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THE 



VIRGINIAN HISTORY 



OF 



AFEICAN COLONIZATION. 



By Rev. P. ^SLAUGHTER. 



" Africa gave to Virginia, a Savag6 and a Slsive ; Virginia gives back to Africa a Citiaen 
and a Chriatiau." — Henry A. Wise. 



RICHMOND : 

MACFARLANE & FEKQUSSON. 

1855. 



363 



ll^m^t 



INTRODUCTION 

TO THE 

VIRGINIAN HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 



AFRICA IN AMERICA. 



A 2>robIem : America in Africa ; its solu- 
tion in part. Eemarlable series of 
events leading to the formation of the 
Colonization Society. Extraordinary 
concurrence of politiciajis of all parties 
and christihns of all creeds. Apparent 
instances of Providential intervention. 
Injudicious defences of Slavery: the 
true ground upon ichich to rest our pe- 
culiar institution. The Colonization 
Society a true exponent of public senii- 
inenf, and a response to repeated de- 
mands of the General Assembly. Colo- 
nization and AboUtion antagonistic : 
Colonization a safety-valve to the ship 
of State ; Abolition the bursting of the 
boiler. Colonization stamped iciih the 
broad seal of the Commonwealth by ten 
General Assemblies in the course of fif- 
ty years ; and sustained by the authori- 
ty of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Mar- 
shall, and nearly all the governors of 
the State, and by a greater number of 
eminent Virginians than ever concurred 
in favor of any other measure of State 
policy. 

In the year 1607 three English ships 
were driven by stress of weather into the 
capes of Virginia ; and, having ascended 
the James River, effected the first perma- 
nent settlement of the white race upon 
the North American continent. In the 
year 1(120, a Dutch man-of-war ascended 
the same river, and landed at the same 



place twenty African slaves. And now 
for the first time, the white man, the 
black man, and the red man stood face to 
face, and gazed upon each other in the 
New World. 

From that moment these three races 
started upon a new career, which is now 
in the process of development before our 
eyes, and which is destined, in our hum- 
ble judgment, to fulfil upon a large scale 
that remarkable prophecy uttered thous- 
ands of years before by the Patriarch 
Noah, when, standing upon the mount of 
inspiration, and looking down the course 
of future time, he proclaimed : " God 
shall enlarge Japheth, and he shall dwell 
in the tents of Shem, and Canaan shall 
be his servant," 

The contemplation of the career upon 
which these three races started at that 
eventful moment will teach us some inter- 
esting and instructive lessons. There was 
the white man, the type of Christian civ- 
ilization. He began immediately to in- 
crease in the most rapid and wonderful 
manner. In a very few years, he pene- 
trated every river that opened its mouth 
into the Atlantic Ocean ; he ascended 
every hill, passed every mountain, pour- 
ed along the valleys, and spread over the 
continent. But not only has he subdued 
the wilderness, and made those vast soli- 
tudes, hitherto unbroken save by the war- 
whoop of the Indian and the scream of 
the eagle, vocal with the hum of industry 



"This article was written for the Southern Literary Messenger by the author of this History, 
and appeared January, 1856. 



IV 



IXTBODUCTION. 



and the songs of christian prai?e ; but he 
has accomplished a revolution AThich has 
no parallel in the annals of the world ; 
and laid the foundation of governments 
•which havefco model upon the face of the 
globe. The kings of the old world are 
looking with awe and disquietude upon 
this "new Kome rising in the West ; the 
foreshadows of whose greatness yet to be 
are extending darkly and heavily over 
their dominions, and obscuring the lustre 
of their thrones." 

Where are the other parties to this in- 
teresting meeting? The red man has re- 
tired before the rising tide of white pop- 
ulation ; receding from the Blue Kidge 
o the Alleghany, from the Alleghany to 
the Mississippi ; and disappearing from 
each in quick succession, like §now be- 
fore the sun. He may linger for a few 
years on our western horizon, but is des- 
tined ere long to make his " ocean grave 
with the setting sun." Ilis history is an 
instructive instance of the effect of leav- 
ing an inferior in contact with a superior 
race, and in the enjoyment of its own 
wild liberty. Had the African been left 
like tlie Indian, in his native freedom, his 
would have been the fate of the Indian.* 
But in the mysterious Providence of God, 
tlie African was " bound to the car of the 
Anglo-American," who has borne him 
along with him in his upward career, pro- 
tecting his weakness and providing for 
his wants. Accordingly, he has grown 
with our growth and strengthened with 
our strength, until he is numbered by 
millions instead of scores ; and if the ac- 
cession by immigration had not been ar- 
rested, the black might have surpassed 
the white population. In the meantimCi 
the black man has been trained in the 
habits, manners and arts of civilized life, 
been taught the christian religion, and 
been gradually rising in the intellectual 
and moral order, until he is far above his 
race in their native seats. In these facts 
we see traces of the designs of an all- 
wise Providence, in permitting the black 
man to be brought here and subjected to 



the discipline of slavery tempered by 
Christianity, and regulated by law. Veri- 
ly, if there had been no other end of such 
a procedure, this " seeming sharp Provi-^ 
dence of God would have been highly 
justified." But as we proceed, we shall 
see new and more beautiful instances of 
design as the history of the race is evol- 
ved under the Providence of God. 

No sooner had we taken our place as 
an independent power among the nations, 
and begun to legislate for ourselves, than 
a new phenomenon attracted the atten- 
tion of our legislators ; viz: the class of 
free colored people. The thirteen colo- 
nies which adopted the Declaration of In- 
dependence were slaveholders; When 
these colonies became States, they reserv- 
ed their sovereign power over the ques- 
tion of slavery. In the exercise of that 
sovereignty, seven of the original thirteen 
in process of time emancipated their 
slaves. Many individuals in the South- 
ern States emancipated a still larger num- 
ber. This anomalous class soon attracted 
the public attention. Mr. Jefferson pre- 
pared a comprehensive plan of coloniza- 
tion in 1776 ; but nothing definite was 
done, probably because when the report 
of the committee of revision was acted 
upon, Jefferson, its chairman, was in 
France, and Pendleton and Wythe, two 
of its members, were on the bench. In 
after years, the subject was repeatedly 
discussed in the legislature, and became 
a matter of grave consultation and cor- 
respondence between the President of the 
United States (Jefferson) and Page and 
Monroe, governors of Virginia. The 
Genejral Assembly, in 1800, 1802 and 
1805, passed resolutions upon the subject; 
and opinions were interchanged between 
the President of the United States, the 
governors of Virginia, and the General 
Assembly,, as to the comparative advan- 
tages of our South-western frontier, of the 
West Indies, and of Africa, as a site for 
the proposed Asylum for free negroes. 
Our difiiculties with foreign powers now 
supervened, and arrested these interest^ 



* In the Northern States the free negroes are declining in nnmbcrs, notwitlistanding the acces- 
sion to them of fugitive slaves. The heaviest abatement has been in the last twenty years, the po- 
riod of the most strenuous eflbrts of the Abolitionists. 



INTRODUCTION. 



•Ing proceedings. Mr. Jefferson, howev- 
er, continued to agitate the subject from 
his retirement at Monticello ; saying, in 
1811: "I have long made up my mind, 
and have no hesitation in saying, that I 
have ever thought this the most desirable 
measure that could be adopted for draw- 
ing off this part of our pojoulation; most 
advantageous for them as well as for us. 
Going from a country possessing all the 
useful arts, they might be the means of 
transplanting them among the inhabitants 
of Africa; and Avould thus carry back to 
the country of their origin the seeds of 
civilization; which might render their so- 
journ here a blessing iu the end to that 
country." 

So soon as the country was again at 
peace, the public mind reverted with re- 
newed interest to the subject of coloniza- 
tion: and in December 181G, the General 
Assemblypassed the following resolutions 
by a majority of 137 out of 146 votes in 
the House of Delegates ; and with hut one 
dissenting voice in the Senate: 

" Whereas, the General Assembly of 
Virginia has repeatedly sought to obtain 
an asylum beyond the limits of the Uni- 
ted States for such persons of color as 
have been or may be emancipated under 
the laws of this Commonwealth, but have 
hitherto found all their efforts frustrated, 
either by the disturbed state of other na- 
tions, or by domestic causes equally un- 
propitioua ; they now avail themselves of 
a period .when peace has healed the 
wounds of humanity, and the principal 
nations of Europe have agreed with the 
United States in al)olishing the slave 
trade (a traffic which this Commonwealth, 
both liefore and after the revolution, sed- 
ulously sought to extirpate,) to renew this 
effort: therefore 

Bcsolvcd, That the executive be reques- 
ted to correspond with the President of 
tlie United States, for the purpose of ob- 
taining a territory on the coast of Africa, 
or at some other place not within any of 
the States or Territories of the United 
States, to serve for an asylum of such 
persons of color as are now free and de- 
sire the same ; and for those who may be 
hereafter emancipated within this Com- 
monwealth: and that the Senators and 
Representatives of this State in the Con- 
gress of the United States be requested 
to exert their best efforts to aid in the at- 
tainment of that ol>ject." 



These resolutions, which are substan- 
tially a copy of those of 1802 and 1805, 
contain the whole idea of the Coloniza- 
tion Society, as now embodied. But 
something more than mere political ex- 
pediency, or even piotives of humanity, 
was necessary for the realization of this 
idea. Grand epochs in the history of 
man's amelioration are signalized by 
higher motives than those which dictate 
mere human policies. Christianity is tho 
mainspring of that intricate mechanism 
which is bearing the earth along from its 
wintry and torpid position, and bringing 
it under the influence of serener heavens 
and an awakening Spring. It was not 
until the spirit of God breathed the 
breath of life into the speculation of tho 
politician that it became an organized 
and living body in the form of the "Col- 
onization Society." Let us look back for 
a moment, and see how this new element 
entered into the combination, and secur- 
ed that indispensable condition of suc- 
cess, the co-operation of christians and 
politicians to the same end. 

The conversion of Central Africa to 
Christianity had long been an insoluble 
problem to the christian church. The 
"Sun of Righteousness," in making his 
sun-like circuit of the earth, had visited 
other lands, and even illumined the fron- 
tiers of Africa ; but not a ray had pen- 
etrated the laud of the Black man. Ethi- 
opia was still the " Xiobe of Nations, 
childless and crownless in her voiceless 
woe." In response to her mute appeal, 
missionaries, Catholic and Protestant, 
casting behind them " all countryships, 
and all the sweet charities of Home," 
went forth, for two centuries, with the 
heroic purpose of planting the " ensigns 
of the Gospel" within this intrenched 
carajD of Satan. The result was a per- 
fect failure ; and the bones of a noble ar- 
my of martyrs bleached their burning 
sands. To human view, the land seemed 
doomed ; but not to the eye of faithi 
which saw, through these frowning Prov- 
idences, " Ethiopia [in the language of 
the Propliet] stretching out her hands 
unto God." Many christian hearts were 
still anxiously revolving the problem ; 



yi 



INTRODUCTION, 



and to tliem the happy thought was sug- 
gested (as we believe, by the spirit of 
God,) of returning to the land of their 
fathers christianized Africans bearing the 
ark of God, and all the institutions of 
christian civilization. Happily, there was 
a class of these persons (the free negroes) 
to whose going no objection could be op- 
posed. Indeed, all interests, social and 
political, conspired to favor the sugges- 
tion. Thus, politicians and christians 
(each unconscious of what the other was 
doing) started from different stand-points 
and, proceeding upon different times of 
argument, came to the same conclusion 
at the same time.* 

Accordingly, politicians of all parties 
and christians of all creeds assembled in 
the city of Washington soon after the 
passage of the Virginia resolutions, and 
laid the foundation of the Colonization 
Society; burying under its corner-stone 
all party feelings in politics, and all sec- 
tarian jealousies in religion. What but 
the over-ruling Providence of God could 
have produced this conjuncture of cir- 
cumstances and union of minds ?t 

It was a happy coincidence, that the 
year of the establishment of the Coloni- 
zation Society was the year of Jas. Mon- 
roe's accession to the Presidency of the 
United States. We have seen Monroe's 
active co-operation, while governor of 
Virginia, with Jefferson, then President 
of the United States, in stimulating and 
shaping those acts of the General As- 
sembly of Virginia which led to the for- 
fnation of the Colonization Society. We 
shall now see his agency in a higher 
sphere, in executing those laws of Con- 
gress which were perhaps indispensable 



to the estalilishment of the Colony itself. 
It was hardly possible for a private so- 
ciety, with small pecuniary resources, 
and working with such rude materials, 
to make a permanent plantation upon a 
distant and barbarous shore. J And it was 
not likely that the government of the 
United States would take the responsibil- 
ity of such a measure, although Jeffer- 
son, Madison, IMonroe and ]Marshall all 
concurred in the opinion of its expedien- 
cy and constitutionality. But that Di- 
vine Providence whose ways are not as 
our ways had (as it seems to our short 
sight) laid f:ir back in the legislation of 
Congress a train of causes whose effects 
made it the interest of our General Gov- 
ernment to co-operate with the Coloniza- 
tion Society. The act of Congress pro- 
hibiting tlie foreign slave trade after 1808 
contained a provision placing Africans 
recaptured by our Navy at the disposition 
of the legislature of any State within 
whose territory they might be landed. 
Under this provision, the legislatures of 
several States sold a number of recap- 
tured Africans into slavery. In 1819, 
two delegates from Virginia, Messrs. 
Mercer and Floyd, reported a bill repeal- 
ing those provisions which enabled a 
State to defeat the intention of Congress 
in prohibiting the slave trade. The law 
of 1819 committed all recaptured Afri- 
cans to the custody of the marshals of 
the United States tintil they could he re- 
stored to their oion country. It also au- 
thorized the President of the United 
States to appoint agents upon the coast 
of Africa, to receive these Africans ; and 
appropriated §100,000 to carry its provi- 
sions into effect.^ The legislation of 



*The proceedings of the General Assembly of Virginia up to 1816 had been in secret session. 
Dr. Hopkins conceived the idea of substituting negroes for white misssionaries to Africa in 1789. 

t Among the persons most active in the measures leading to the formation of the Society were 
Rev. Dr. Findley of New Jersey, Bishop Meade of Virginia, and Messrs. Key and Caldwellof the 
District of Columbia. Henry Clay presided at the meeting on the 21st of December; and address- 
es were delivered by him and Jolin Randolph of Roanoke. Judge Washington was made Presi- 
dent ; and among the vice-presidents were Clay, Crawford, Andrew Jackson, Bishop Meade and 
John Tyler of Virginia. 

tThe Society had borrowed money to pay the expenses of 31ills and Burgess in searching for a 
site for the colony. Gen. Mercer in Baltimore, and Bishop Meade in Virginia, raised more than 
$10,000 to replace this sum. 

tFor the details of these events, see 2nd chap, of the Virginian History of African Colonization. 



INTRODUCTION. 



Congress having thus devolved upon the 
government of the United States a ne- 
cessity for providing an asjdum for re- 
captured Africans, it became the interest 
of the General Government to co-operate 
with the Colonization Society, whose be- 
nevolent designs were just ripe for exe- 
cution. We cannot tell how it strikes 
others, but for ourselves, we recognize 
with reverence in these proceedings what 
seem to us unmistakeable indications of 
a Divine Providence presiding over and 
" shaping the ends" of individuals and of 
nations. 

The beneficent interpretation of this 
law of Congress by Mr. Monroe, and the 
kind offices of Capts. Wadsworth, Stock- 
ton and Spence, of the Navy, acting un- 
der his orders, enabled the Society to 
overcome the formidable obstacles to the 
successful plantation of the colony at 
Cape Mesurado. It was in acknowledg- 
ment of these services that the capital of 
the infant settlement was called Monro- 
via. 

In 1820 (just two hundred years after 
the landing of the blacks at Jamestown,) 
the Elizabeth sailed for the coast of Af- 
rica, with eighty-three emigrants and a 
few white men, who had volunteered to 
be pioneers in this doubtful and perilous 
experiment. We will not stop to recite the 
affecting story of their adventures, which 
in many incidents were strangely like 
those of the first settlers of Virginia. 
The time may come when their heroism 
may be fitly commemorated by the muse 
of History, 

Altho' no sculptured form should deck the 

place, 
Or marble monuments those ashes grace, 
Still, for the deeds of worth which they have 

done, 
Shall flowers unfading flourish on their tomb.* 

Only one-third of a century has elapsed 
since the little company of free negroes 



pitched their tents in the African wilder- 
ness, and the result is the Republic of 
Liberia, whose independence has been 
acknowledged by most of the leading na- 
tions in the world. Colonizationists have 
been charged with painting too flattering 
portraits of this young republic. We 
admit that this has sometimes been done. 
Exaggeration is the child of enthusiasm, 
as enthusiasm is generally the parent of 
novel and bold enterprises. But if the 
friends of Lil:)eria have extenuated her 
•failings, her enemies have " set down 
much in malice." If our pictures are 
sometimes overwifwrfght, theirs are often 
caricatures. If toe are enthusiasts, tliey 
are fanatics, if fanaticism be, according 
to a great philosopher, " enthusiasm in- 
flamed by hatred."! But if we set aside 
the prejudiced witnesses on either side, 
and take only the disinterested testimo- 
ny of our naval officers, we shall find ev- 
idence enough to at least encourage a 
rational hope that our experiment will 
succeed. Commodores Stockton, Perry, 
Cooper, Lavallette, Read, Mayo, Grego-- 
ry, and we believe every officer who has 
commanded a squadron upon the coast of 
Africa; with Commanders Marston, 
Lynch, Foote, Rudd, and many other 
subordinate officers, unite in bearing 
witness to the general contentment, com- 
fort, and spirit of improvement which 
reign in Liberia, justifying, in their opin- 
ion, the confident expectation that the 
settlement will endure, and furnish a 
happy home for all of our colored people 
who may seek an asylum there. J 

But whatever conflicting opinions may 
be entertained upon this subject, the fol- 
lowing facts are undeniable: there exists 
upon the coast of Africa a Republic of 
free blacks from the United States, orga- 
nized after the American model. They 
live under a constitution recognizing the 
principles of civil and religious liberty, 



* Gurley's Life of Ashmunis, a noble and eloquent tribute to these humble but heroic pioneers. 

tThe hatred of an Abolitionist is never so intense as when a colonizationist is the object of it. 

t All who desire full information upon this point should take the trouble to read the letters of 
these officers, Gurley's Report to the State Department, Lynch and Pinney's Observations, and 
Lugenbeel's Sketches of the Climate, Diseases, Geography, Productions, and general condition oJ" 
Liberia. 



VllI 



INTRODUCnOK. 



Avhich lie at the base of our own institu- 
tions, and -which are not enjoyed by any 
other people under the sun. They have 
a President, who is elected every two 
years; and senators and representatives, 
who are elected annually. These elec- 
tions have been for many years conduct- 
ed with order and according to law. The 
annual messages of the President com- 
pare favorably with similar documents 
from the governors of our States, and 
breathe a more enlarged and elevated 
tone of morals and statesmanship than 
many of the latter documents. They 
have courts oj' Justice, in which the laws 
are administered with dignity and intel- 
ligence. They have printing presses and 
newspapers; high schools and common 
schools; and many churches, which are 
vocal every Sunday with the sound of the 
gospel, and with songs of praise. They 
have driven the slave trade from five hun- 
dred miles of the coast ; thus accomplish- 
ing with the Dove of Peace what the 
Lion of Great Britain and the Eagle of 
America, floating at the mastheads of 
proud squadrons, have failed to achieve.* 
They have extended their jurisdiction 
over a hundred thousand natives, who 
have renounced many of their savage 
customs, and are being gradually trained 
in the arts of civilization.! 

They have advanced the base of our 
missionary operations across the Atlan- 
tic; and make the centre of African 
missions coincide with what was late- 
ly the centre of African barbarism. They 
have provided an asylum for the exile, a 
home for the homeless, and a nursery of 
indigenous missionaries, who can live in 
a clime fatal to the white man. 

When we compare the feeble instru- 
ments by which these results have been 
wrought, and the short time in which 
they have been working, with the im- 
mense expenditures of " civilization and 
missionary societies" for two hundred 



years before the founding of Liberia, it 
seems little less than a miracle, and looks 
like one of those instances in which the 
great Disposer of events chooses the 
weak and foolish things of the world to 
confound the wise and mighty. 

In this view of it, African colonization 
is a great Christian mission, which has 
the fervent prayers of christians of all 
creeds in Virginia, and it is annually 
commended with unanimous voices by 
Methodist Conferences, Baptist Associa- 
tions, Presbyterian Synods, and Episco- 
pal Conventions; who look upon it as 
"God's plan" for the regeneration of Af- 
rica. J 

But while this is the great leading end 
of the Colonization Society, the fact lohicTi 
vitalizes it, it carries in its train many 
other benign results which enlist in its 
support the Philosopher, the Philanthro- 
pist, and the Politician. The Philoso- 
pher regards it as an interesting experi- 
ment to test the capacity of the negro for 
self-government. He sees that the Afri- 
can under the discipline of slavery has 
risen far above the stature of his ances- 
tors in their native land ; and he knows 
that man in a state of conscious inferi- 
ority cannot unfold his powers any more 
than a plant in the dark or under the 
shade. He must, in the language of Mr. 
Webster, come out. He must feel his 
equality. He must enjoy the shining 
sun in the heavens as much as those 
around him, before he feels that he is in 
all respects a man. The Philosopher 
thinks that in Liberia the negro has a 
favorable theatre for the full trial of the 
experiment; and he watches with anxie- 
ty the solution of the problem. 

The Philanthropist sees in Virginia 
fifty tliousand human beings (the free 
negroes) in a state of physical, mental, 
social and moral degradation in melan- 
choly contrast with other classes of our 
people. They are nominally free, but 



* It is universally admitted that the slave trade has been banished from the whole Liberian coast. 

t One native has been already a representative in the Assembly; and the kings and head men 
are sending their children to school, 
t That these great bodies of christians are till of one mimi iijion this subject is one of the most 



remarkable facts in our history. 



IKTBODUCTION. 



IX 



enjoy none of the privileges of freedom 
but the license of doing nothing. "Plac- 
ed beneath the white man, on the one 
hand, and nominally above the slave, on 
1^0 other; in contact -with both, but in 
union with neither ; they cannot be 
reached by the strong motives which im- 
pel either class to exertion and honest 
courses. All of the most lucrative and 
honorable pursuits of life are closed 
against them. They feel none of those 
nobler sentiments of our common nature 
which bid us, even in servitude, to cling 
with grateful reverence and affection to 
our benefactors and superiors. They do 
not even feel that salutary fear of im- 
pending punishment which, while it does 
not in itself morally elevate the slave, at 
least keeps him from idleness, and urges 
him to honest and orderly habits. 
Crushed by the combined agencies of su- 
perior capital and intelligence and the 
competing power of organized slave la- 
bor, itself wielded by intelligence and 
aided by capital; crowded out of the 
humbler occupations of life; with noth- 
ing of liberty but its name, and all of 
slavery but its blessings ; with no coun- 
try of his own, a social outcast and a po- 
litical outlaw ; the free negro, conscious 
of the irredeemable degradation of hia 
lot, grows reckless of a future from 
which he has nothing to hope or fear, be- 
comes discontented in his feelings, dis- 
honest in his habits, and desperate in his 
crimes. Under these circumstances, they 
fill our jails with prisoners, our courts 
with criminals, and our penitentiary with 
convicts.''* 

We are so organized by our Creator, 
that, unless our moral sense is perverted 
by sophistical reasoning, we cannot but 
feel a compassion for our unfortunate 
fellow-creatures ; especially when they 
lie in the dust at our feet, and are com- 
pletely subject to our power. The sym- 
pathies which spring up spontaneously 
in our bosoms at the sight of such ob- 
jects, and prompt us to extend our hands 



for their relief, are honorable to the hu- 
man heart, however they may be some- 
times brought into contempt by sickly 
sentimentalists, who do homage to this 
virtue by canting about what they do not 
feel. There ^are thousands of men in 
Virginia, worthy of all respect and hon- 
or, who have for half a century been re- 
volving this problem of the destiny of 
this daily blackening mass of free ne- 
groes in our State. The result has been 
the suggestion of several schemes for 
their and our relief. It has been propos- 
ed to reduce them to slavery, as the most 
humane expedient. A proposition so 
opposed to the genius of our institutions 
and to the spirit of the age, is not likely 
to be seriously entertained by the legis- 
lature of Virginia, as indeed it could not 
be justified upon any recognized moral 
or American political principle, and could 
be vindicated only by the "tyrant's plea" 
of absolute necessity, a contingency 
which has certainly not yet arisen. Shall 
we amalgamate with them ? All the in- 
stincts of our nature repel the sugges- 
tion. Between us and them " there is a 
great gulf fixed." Until the Ethiopian 
can change his skin, no human power 
can ever bridge that gulf so that we can 
stand upon the same social and political 
platform. No: the white man and the 
free negro — 

Stand and frown upon each other. 
Like cliffs that have been rent asunder, 
And neither heat nor frost nor thunder 
Shall ever do away, I ween, 
The marks of that which once hath been. 

Another alternative is, to colonize them 
by force in the Northern States. As a 
measure of retaliation, this would be a 
just^ judgment upon the insane Aboli- 
tionists. But even if the scheme were 
practicable, we have no right to" sport 
with these helpless creatures by making 
them the ministers of our vengeance. 
But the project is impracticable; for the 
subtle casuists of the North make a re- 



*Froml800to 1829, crimes among the free blacks were more than three times as many as 
among the whites ; and four and a half times more numerous than among the slaves. From 1829 
to the present time, the proportion has regularly increased. See Penitentiary reports, as quoted 
in Mr. Howard's memorial, 
B 



INTRODUCTION. 



fined distinction between free negroes 
and fugitive slaves. The latter, coming 
to them upon "underground railroads," 
they w^elcome with open arms ; while the 
former, coming in open day, are repelled 
with indignation and contempt.* Again, 
as a matter of policy, nothing could be 
more inexpedient than such a disposition 
of our free negroes ; who would become 
correspondents of their friends here, ex- 
citing among them a spirit of discontent 
and insubordination; and facilitating the 
escape of fugitives. And then, every ex- 
ile would add fuel to the flames already 
raging so fiercely in the North, and 
threatening with parricidal wickedness, 
to set fire to and consume the great tem- 
ple of " American liberty." In confir- 
mation of this view, we may adduce the 
authority of the governor elect of Virgi- 
nia ; who said in his late letter to Dr. 
Adams : " looking to the ends of ultimate 
colonization, and the true policy of the 
States at home, I toould prohibit hy law 
the future emigration of the free colored 
pojndation from our State to the free 
States. Dr. Drake was right in his 
views of our laws driving away the free 
negroes to the free States. It has been 
one of the most baneful causes of Aboli- 
tionism in the North." 

The question returns, what can be done 
with these miserable creatures? Our 
laws are bearing upon them with more 
and more sti'ingency every year; tending 
to drive them beyond our borders. In 
the same proportion, the legislation of the 
North is shutting the door in their faces ; 
and no way of escape remains but the 
"way of the sea." Shall we drive them, 
like the herd of swine possessed with 
devils, down "the steep," to be drowned? 
Justice and mercy both protest against the 
needless sacrifice. Shall we not rather 



avail ourselves of the open door disclosed 
to us by the Colonization Society, and 
use its economical! agency in conveying 
these helpless people across the interve- 
ning waters to the asylum which Provi- 
dence, in apparent anticipation of the 
exigency, has prepared for them In their 
fatherland? 

But it has been said, that it is not an 
act of humanity to send the free blacks 
to so inhospitable a clime. We confess 
that we have had some misgivings upon 
this point, founded upon the distressing 
mortality which has befallen some compa- 
nies of emigrants to Liberia. But farther 
reflection and more accurate information 
have dissipated our doubts. Tropical 
Africa Is the cradle of the negro race ; 
and nothing seems to us more Improba- 
ble than that the original seat of a peo- 
ple Is not a fit habitation for them. But 
the conclusion is not warranted liy the 
facts in the case. The mortality in ques- 
tion can, in nearly every instance, be 
distinctly traced to the Inadequacy of the 
provision made for their comfort, or to 
the indiscretion of the emigrants, in 
rashly exposing themselves, during their 
acclimation, to the sun by day and tho 
dews by night. These are contingencies 
to which emigrants to every new clime 
are liable ; and in these cases may some- 
times implicate the proper authorities In 
criminal negligence of the duties confid- 
ed to them. Again, a comparison of tho 
colonization of Liberia and of Virginia 
will be most instructive and convincing. 
A single passage from Howison's History 
of Virginia will suffice: "In 1609, Capt. 
Smith left at Jamestown 490 persons 
with abundant supplies. Indian ambus- 
cades were in every hedge. The settlers 
were afraid to go out for food or recrea- 
tion. Famine with all its horrors was 



* Witness the Black laws of Indiana, Illinois, Ohio, and Delaware; and the Hon. Mr. Sawver'a 
speech in the HoHse of Representatives, defending his constituents for the expulsion of John Ran- 
dolph's negroes. A Virginian not long ago purchased a large tract of land in Ohio upon which he 
intended to settle 200 slaves, but his design was defeated by these laws. 

t The Colonization Society has sent to Africa about 3,500 emigrants ; which, at $50 each, would 
have cost the State $175,000 ; whereas, there has not been drawn from the State treasury by the 
Colonization Society during the whole period of its history, more than $20,000; the remainder hav- 
ing been supplied by donations in this and other States. 



INTRODUCTION. 



80on among theiu, and disease and death 
followed iu its train. They ate the skins 
of horses, the bodies of Indians, dogs, 
and vermin. Of 490 persons, GO only 
survived." The first two expeditions to 
our shores were overwhelmed at sea. 
The third eifected a landing in 1G56 ; and 
in five years wfis extinct. The fourth was 
successful, after a series of cruel distresses 
whose recital fills the mind with horror. 
If disasters had attended the coloniza- 
tion of Liberia similar to those which oc- 
curred at Jamestown and Plymouth, and 
which have signalized many removals 
from Virginia to our Southern and Wes- 
tern States, our enterprise would have 
been overwhelmed by the curses of those 
who have no tears to shed over the young, 
the beautiful, and the brave, whose bones 
bleach the prairies of the West and the 
shores of the Gulf of Mexico and the 
Pacific Ocean. ■'^ 

But, it is said, that the growth of Li- 
beria and the operation of the Coloniza- 
tion Society are too slow. This objec- 
tion is characteristic of this age, and of 
the American people. We are impatient 
of results that are long in coming. Eve- 
ry thing, now-a-days, that is worthy of 
doing, must be done with the speed of 
lightning and the energy of an earth- 
quake. This is an age of "expresses" 
and electric telegraphs, but noc of mira- 
cles. Time is an indispensable element 
in human progress ; and an omen of last- 
ing grandeur and renown. French Re- 
publics may spring up in a night, like 
enchanted palaces in Arabian tales ; but 
America was more than 150 years old be- 
fore she declared her independence. Time 
was, when it was proposed to offer boun- 
ties to quicken immigration to our shores; 
and now, the emigration from the old 
world to the new is such as the world has 
never seen since the first dispersion of 



mankind. Emigrants are swarming over 
in crowds like the travellers to eternity ; 
"Avhile thot-e who are left behind seem to 
feel a melancholy restlessness, like a bird 
whose wing is crippled at the season of 
migration ; and a voice like that heard 
before the final destruction of Jerusalem 
seems to proclaim in their ears — 'arise! 
let us depart hence!' " The present indi- 
cations are, that T)y the time the resour- 
ces of Liberia shall have been developed, 
and she shall have acquired a capacity 
of assimilating large numbers of our free 
blacks, the pressure upon them from a 
combination of causes will have become 
so intense, that a spontaneous movement 
will take place to Africa, like that of the 
pauper population of Europe to our own 
shores. A million and a half of poor 
Irishmen migrated from Ireland in five 
years. An exodus like this would soon 
carry our 400,000 free blacks to Africa.f 
But in Virginia, we have to deal with a 
much more practical proposition. The 
average increase per annum of the free 
negroes in Virginia, from 1830 to 1840 
was two hundred and twenty-nine and 
one-fifth ; and from 1840 to 1850, it was 
411 per annum. The cost of transport- 
ing these, at §60 each, would be §24,600. 
But if we deduct from this annual in- 
crease the number of those (amounting in 
1850 to more than 200) who were eman- 
cipated and allowed to remain in the State, 
the remainder would be less than the 
number actually sent to Liberia from 
Virginia in 1854. If, moreover, a judi- 
cious discrimination was made between 
the old and infirm, and the young and 
vigorous ; removing the latter, and suf- 
fering the former to spend the barren re- 
mainder of their days among us, it is 
clear, that all our free blacks could be 
soon removed, except a small and com- 
paratively inofifensive remnant. 



* The present writer, who has taken some pains to inform himself, has no hesitation in express- 
ing the opinion that it is not humane to send emigrants indiscriminately to Liberia; and, except in 
case of peculiar fitness, he would not recommend the sending of emigrants who have no means of 
support other than that which the Colonization Society can furnish. 

t Thousands of dollars are annually remitted by the Irish in America to their friends in Ireland, 
to pay for the transportation of the latter to the United States. A similar process was begun in 
Liberia ; and will increase. This fact explodes the objection suggested by the expense of coloniz- 
ing our free blacks. 



INTRODUCTION. 



But it is said, that colonizationists have 
affinities with Abolitionists. This charge 
we uuequivocally and indignantly deny. 
To refute it, it is only necessary to refer 
to the fundamental article in the consti- 
tution of the Society, which declares its 
exclusive design to be the removal of the 
J'ree colored people, with their own con- 
sent, to Africa. We challenge the pro- 
duction of a single official act or senti- 
ment of the Virginia Society inconsis- 
tent with this principle. On the contra- 
ry, this Society has taken every fit occa- 
sion of reiterating these principles.* In 
the very heat of the abolition debate in 
1832, in the General Assembly, when so 
many wise men were swept from their 
moorings by the anti-slavery tide, this 
Society met in the Capitol at Richmond, 
and passed unanimously the following 
resolution: "Resolved, That we deem it 
expedient at this time to renew our 
pledges strictly to adhere to that original 
feature of our constitution which con- 
fines its operations to the removal of tlie 
free people of color only, with their own 
consent." Again, it is a significant fact, 
that during this debate, which, in the 
language of the Richmond Enquirer, 
" had broken the seals which had been 
put for fifty years upon the most delicate 
subject of State concernment," the most 
prominent colonizationists in the House, 
as Broadnax,Gholson, Brown, and others, 
were the leaders on the anti-emancipation 
side. At the same time. Garrison, the 
arch-fiend of Abolitionism, published a 
book in which he maintained and illus- 
trated the following proposition : " the 
Colonization Society is the friend of the 
slaveholder, and the apologist of slavery: 
it is the enemy of immediate emancipa- 
tion : it traduces the free colored people, 
and would exile them from their native 
land : it rivets the chains of the slave, 
and quiets the conscience of the slave- 
holder." In a tract issued by the Ame- 
rican Anti-Slavery Society, it is objected 
to the Colonization Society, that it had 
its origin in Virginia: "that its first 
President was Judge Washington of Vir- 



ginia : that its managers were owners of 
slaves :" that John Randolph said, " it 
tended to secure the master's property in 
slaves:" that Henry Clay said, "I am a 
slaveholder, and consider that kind of 
property as inviolable asanyother:" that 
W. S. Archer said, "it involves no intru- 
sion on property, nor even on prejudice:" 
that Henry A. Wise said, "the original 
principle of the Society was friendship 
to the slaveholder:" that its managers 
say, "we are restrained by the terms of 
our association from making emancipa- 
tion an object: the rights of masters are 
sacred in our eyes ; and it would be as 
humane to throw negroes overboard, as 
to free them in this country :" that its 
first President, Washington, sold fifty of 
his slaves in New Orleans: that its se- 
cond President, Chas. Carroll, bequeath- 
ed 1,000 slaves at his death: that Hen- 
ry Clay "left his slaves in bondage twen- 
ty-five years, and then to be sent to Li- 
beria:" that colonization "retards eman- 
cipation, and enhances the value of 
slaves:" and finally, "that the enemies 
of slavery were the enemies of coloniza- 
tion," 

The Hon. Henry A. Wise, in 1838, thus 
graphically contrasts the principles of 
Abolition and Colonization : " The Abo- 
lition Society denounces slavery as a sin, 
summons the abstract principles of right 
and justice, and an imaginary law of 
Heaven, to destroy the holiest obligations 
of political right and justice, founded 
upon constitutional compact : appeals to 
prejudices and passions the most danger- 
ous because the most fanatical ; influen- 
ces the public mind by threatening to de- 
molish all social relations ; arouses reli- 
gious zeal in a crusade against peace and 
order and union : preaches insurrection 
to the slave, and calumniates and curses 
the slaveholder : opposes the colonization 
of the free man of color in a land where 
he may be the fellow of man ; and pro- 
poses his amalgamation here, in the land 
of his degradation, with those to whom 
the association is abhorrent and revolting. 
The Colonization Society sacredly regards 



'See "Virginian History of African Colonization," pas«m. 



INTRODUCTION. 



slavery as a civil institution of the coun- 
try which, upon the principle of the les- 
ser yielding to the greater good, cannot 
be attacked by the law of humanity, and 
must be sustained from reasons of poli- 
cy : defends all the eternal principles of 
right, and religiously promotes the obvi- 
ous decrees of heaven, while it faithfully 
obeys the laws of the State : appeals to 
the reason and enlightened consciences 
of men ; and to that peaceful religion 
which ever interposes to ameliorate the 
condition of all men : hushes discord, and 
by a charm preserves our peace by recon- 
ciling our moral duties with our political 
rights and interests : invokes the love of 
union ; teaches obedience of servants : 
inspires the slaveholder with confidence, 
and addresses itself alone to his affec- 
tions : guards his title to his property, 
and its enjoyment ; and thus obtains for 
the slave indulgence which the slackened 
cord of confidence yields without fear; in- 
cidentally facilitates voluntary emanci- 
pation by sloughing off the free colored 
people, always in the way of freedom to 
the slave : aiid is a sword to pierce Aboli- 
tionism. And above all these special 
benefits, its great aim is that which makes 
the grandeur of its cause rise to sublim- 
ity, — to make light shine out of darkness, 
to colonize a nation of freemen in their 
fartherland,out of our kitchens of slaves." 
The charge of abolition affinities against 
the Colonization Society, derives its sem- 
blance of plausibility from the fact that 
some colonizationists have advocated the 
society as a means of ultimately extin- 
guishing the institution, and some sen- 
tences have inadvertently crept into the 
documents of the American Society sug- 
gesting schemes of emancipation. But 
these were private opinions, and not au- 
thorized expositions of the principles of 
the society. To obviate such occurrences 



in future, the Rev. Mr. Slaughter, one of 
the delegates from Virginia, at the last 
anniversary of the American Society, of- 
fered the following resolutions, which 
Avere passed with but one dissenting voice 
in a board composed of representatives 
of all the State Societies. "Whereas, 
the exclusive design of the Colonization 
Society, as declared in its constitution, 
is to remove theyree colored ])eople ; and 
whereas, in carrying out this principle it 
has been ordered that all suggestions 
and schemes of emancipation shall be 
excluded from the documents of this so- 
ciety : and whereas, it is necessary to the 
consummation of this policy that the 
same principle should be applied to the 
conduct of our public meetings ; there- 
fore, Resolved, That the executive com- 
mittee should have strict regard to this 
principle in all arrangements for our pub- 
lic meetings." When the State of Vir- 
ginia shall succeed in inducing Congress 
to pass such conservative resolutions, it 
will be time enough for a Virginian to 
cast the first stone at the Colonization 
Society.* 

We respectfully submit, that the fore- 
going facts and reasonings show that the 
chief political objections to the Coloniza- 
tion Society have arisen frum a misap- 
prehension of its history and principles, 
and go far to establish the conclusion that 
the " Divinity that shapes our ends" 
has shut us up to this policy as a poli- 
tical and social necessity. They also 
beautifully illustrate the sagacity of the 
framers of our machine of self-govern- 
ment ; who seem to have foreseen all the 
results of its wonderful workings, and 
provided such guards as would best tend 
to give it " perpetual motion.f 

What a blessing it would be to our 
distracted country, if all the American 
people would adopt the views of Jefferson, 



* It miglit be added, tliat the American is not the Virginian Society, and that the latter is no 
more responsible for the acts of the former, than the State of Virginia is responsible for the acts of 
the Congress of the United States. 

t If any scheme of policy is thoroughly Virginian, it is the scheme of African Colonization. We 
have seen it suggested by Jefferson ; its nurture by Monroe, Madison and ftlarshall ; by the Gene 
ral Assemblies of 1800, 1802, 1804, 1805 and 1816. If our space sufficed, we would adduce the acts- 
of Assembly in 1825 and 1828; of 1833, 1849 and 1853; and cite the commendations of Govs. Tyler, 
McDowell, Gilmer, Floyd, Pleasants, Smith, Johtison and Wise, and of other eminent Virginians, 



XIT 



INTRODUCTION 



Madison, Monroe and Marshall, and rally 
round the Colonization Society, as the only 
rational and peaceful solution ofthevexcd 
question of Africa in America. Wc have 
no hope of extremists on either side ; but 
surely the majority of the American 
people are rational and patriotic men ; 
and we would invoke in the name of that 
constellation of great men who illumi- 
nate our records, all who respect them- 
themsclves, who respect the rights of 
persons and of property, the rights of the 
States and the union of the States, to 
come together upon this conservative and 
constitutional platform. Abolitionists are 
a one-idea party, demented about an ab- 
straction, without the slightest reference 
to the modifications which every princi- 
ple undergoes in 2oractical and complica- 
ted application. They are compelled to 
admit that abstractions are often wholly 
reversed in practice. You may hear them 
urging that, whilst "thou shalt not kill" 
is a true law in morals and religion, yet 
killing may become an imperative duty 
in certain circumstances. " And yet 
these men seize hold of the abstraction 
that all men are free and equal, and run 
it like a ploughshare through society ;" 
releasing the wife from the husband, the 
citizen from the sovereign, and the ser- 
vant from the master ; until humanity, 
which had been washed in the baptism 
of Christianity, shall again wallow in the 
mire of barbarian licentiousness. " They 
run their fiery abstraction into the leaves 
of the bible ; and if it testify not to the 
one idea, it must 1)0 burnt like a witch." 
Again, the ungodly constitutions by which 
slavery is tolerated must be torn down, 
and society be reconstructed upon free 
and socialistic principles. 

Now, to meet and overthrow these mis- 
chievous fallacies, it is not necessary to 
take our position at the opposite extreme. 
We need not deny the unity of the hu- 
man race, and, excluding the negro from 
the pale of the human family, degrade 
him to the level of the monkey, thus 
contradicting the word of God, which 
says that He "has made of one blood all 
the nations of men, to dwell upon all the 
face of the earth." Neither is it neces- 
sary to pour contempt upon all al)str ac- 



tions. Truth, justice, God himself, are 
abstractions ; and these have their pro 
per place in the world, and their proper 
functions in moral reasoning. The max- 
im in medio tutissimus ibis applies here. 
The truth, as we apprehend, will be found 
in a brief and perspicuous exposition 
contained in a late letter to ourselves by 
the mo8t profound and comprehensive 
thinker in Virginia. He says : "When 
Christ came into the world, it was full of 
kingdoms. That these should be held 
together was indispensaTde to the exis- 
tence and progress of society. Society 
cannot adxancQ per saltum ; it must ad- 
vance by degrees. So, also, it must be 
improved for the most part by a power 
operating from loitliin. External ameli- 
orations which outrun the internal, do no 
good ; witness the South-American re- 
publics, and the history of France. To 
improve society, we must plant the prin- 
ciple of improvement within it, and let 
it leisurely and without violence work 
itself out to the surface ; amending last 
of all the municipal arrangements. This 
is the general rule. Now, Christ came to 
set up a kingdom not of this world. It 
was not of the same class with existing 
kingdoms ; it was not to be their rival 
nor their fellow. It was to be compre- 
hensive of them all ; taking possession of 
them, and leaving them all their exter- 
nal features and peculiarities, except as 
these might be gradually and silently 
modified by its permeating and all-per- 
vading influence. Among these external 
relations, I set down war, the political 
relations of men, domestic slavery, and, 
in a certain sense, divorce. Now, in re- 
gard to these, there is a certain ideal 
state which all would call perfection, and 
which may be realized, perhaps, in the 
Millennial times, and in the meantime 
to be approximated. This state we would 
call absolute right, and it consists in the 
total removal of some of the things named, 
and the modification of others. To bring 
about this state of things, so far as the 
present time is concerned, was the ob- 
ject of the setting up of Christ's king- 
dom. And that object will not fail. It 
may tarry, but it will come at last. But 
how is Christianity to realize in the actual, 



INTRODUCTIOK 



XV 



this beautiful and infinitely desirable 
ideal? It must not precipitate matters ; 
that would prove disastroiis. It would 
be like plucking up the tares before the 
proper time. As the defects and abuses 
of society referred to are governmental, 
to assail them directly would be to bring 
the kingdom of Christ in direct collision 
with the kingdom of this world ; which 
would be most pernicious several ways. 
Humanly speaking, it would exterminate 
the church of Christ ; for men would 
fight against it without restraint of con- 
science ; looking at it as a mere earthly 
interest. Aside from this, the eflfect upon 
the world itself would be most blinding : 
Christ's kingdom is not wealth, nor poli- 
tical sagacity, nor military prowess ; but 
righteousness, peace, and joy in the Holy 
Ghost. Above all, it would set aside 
those positive precepts which Christ has 
given in regard to the powers that may 
be over us. In all this, Christianity is 
regarding the expedient. Just as divorce 
was allowed to the Jews, though the true 
idea, the 7'igM, in regard to marriage, 
was otherwise ; so Christianity forbears 
to press things which it hopes to see real- 
ized hereafter in the world. In fixing 
her eye on the right, she maintains a high 
aim, and makes provision for progress : 
in regulating the pursuit of that object 
by the expedient, she has a wise refer- 
ence to the nature of man and the condi- 
tion of the world, as fallen ; and takes 
care that the progress shall not be check- 
ed. Right gives an onward motion to the 
car ; expediency keeps it from running 
off the track. Each is indispensable in 
its place ; neither can be omitted : nor 
can their order and mutual relations be 
interfered with without consequences 
which self-love, benevolence and con- 
science must recoil from. To present the 
subject properly would require much ex- 
planation and expansion ; and if I was 
writing to one who could read what I 
have written in a captious spirit, I would 
add many limitations, checks and illus- 
trations." These are words of wisdom. 
They are like apples of gold in pictures 
of silver. If they could be incorporated 
into the creed of the American people, 
they would explode into air the ultraisms 



in which our land is so fruitful. Politi- 
cal, ecclesiastical and socialistic agitators 
would learn the folly of attempting to re- 
alize in the actual of this " day and gen- 
eration," the beautiful ideal of the mil- 
lenial state. The development of human- 
ity cannot be forced as gardener's force 
plants in a hot-house. Normal develop- 
ments are more gradual. The application 
of these principles to the subject is plain. 
If slavery be an evil it cannot be cured 
in a generation without inflicting greater 
evils. External ameliorations which 
outrun the internal are mischievous. Let 
us rather adore that God whose woun- 
drous alchemy " out of evil educes good." 
Let New Englandcrs ponder the words of 
Webster when speaking on this subject 
he said, " I sometimes contemplate with 
amazement and adoration events which 
have occurred through the cupidity and 
criminality of men, designed nevertheless 
by their Creator to work out great ends 
of beneficence." And Virginians should 
heed the words of Jeflerson, when he said 
" In the disposition of these unfortunate 
people the^ first rational object to be dis- 
tinctly kept in view is the establishment 
of a colony on the coast of Africa which 
may introduce among the Aborigines the 
arts of civilization and science and thus 
render them more good than evil in the 
long run." 

What is to be the destiny of the entire 
black population in America we cannot 
tell. The statistics of the census show 
that they are gravitating towards the trop- 
ics in a current as steady as the flow of 
the Mississippi. Many of them will 
doubtless long linger in the land of the 
sugar-cane and cotton-plant. With the 
Anglo Saxon for their guide, they may 
pass the Isthmus and spread over the 
valley of the Amazon, or like the crew 
of the fabled Phantom ship, they may be 

Wanderers o'er eternity, 
Whose bark rides on and on, 
And anchored ne'er shall be. 

That the destination of many of them is 
Africa, we have no doubt. In the moan 
time we are comforted by the conviction 
that their bondage here has been a bless- 
ing to them and is fraught with blessings 



XVI 



INTRODUCTION. 



to their fatherland. In the energetic 
langviage of H. A. Wise, " however crim- 
inal may have been the traders who from 
lust of gold brought them here, the slaves 
in the United States are in bodily com- 
fort, civilization, Christianity and actual 
personal freedom, worth all the princi- 
palities, powers and people of Africa ; 
and slavery in the United States has 
been the most efiScient missionary to the 
Heathen in the last two centuries. Not 
by going to Africa and rearing altars 
there at first, but by bringing their 
fathers here and preparing priests to go 
back to Africa and bear the christian 
torches through the darkness of her 
night. The black missionary to black 
Africa, like to like. And the Colony of 



Liberia coming directly out of slavery is 
another trophy far exceeding that of any 
similar moral enterprise of the age. 
These results are worth all the suffer- 
ings and burdens of their savage ances- 
tors, who would have expired without 
bearing fruits meet to repair their coun- 
try and race for the evil out of which 
has come good enough to justify the 
ways of God to the master and to the 
slave. The destiny of the black popula- 
tion of the United States is towards Af- 
rica, my authority is God's providence 
against futile and impious attempts of 
human Babel builders upon earth. His 
servants had better be about their mas- 
ter's work." 



INDEX 



TO THE 



HISTOHY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION IN VIRGINIA. 



CHAPTER I. 

History of African Colonization from its first 
suggestion by Thomas Jefferson in 1776, 
through all its modifications by the Gene- 
ral Assembly of Virginia in 1800, 1801, 
1802, 1805, and 1816, to its full develop- 
ment in the American Colonization Society 
at Washington in 1817, including the cor- 
respondence of Jefferson, President of the 
U. S., with Monroe and Page, governors of 
Virginia, Henry Clay, Frank Key, Fenton 
Mercer, Dr. Findley, Bishop Meade, Wil- 
liam H. Crawford, John Randolph of Roa- 
noke, John Taylor of Caroline, and An- 
drew Jackson. 

CHAPTER II. 

The agency of President Monroe in the 
plantation of Liberia — Rev. Messrs. Bur- 
gess and Mills exploring tour — Mercer 
and Meade's mission — Act of Congress 
prohibiting slave trade in 1808 — Recap- 
tured Africans carried into the State of 
Georgia and sold — Bishop Meade's mis- 
sion to Georgia — William H. Crawford's 
advice — Agency of Mercer and Floyd, 
representatives from Virginia in passing 
act of Congress of 1819 — bearing of that 
Act upon Colonization — Seeming Provi- 
dential interventions in bringing about co- 
operation of General Government and 
Colonization Society in planting Colony 
of Liberia — Rev. Mr. Bacon — Captains 
Stockton and Spence's kind offices under 
Monroe's orders in choosing site and pro- 
moting establishment of the Colony — Dr. 
Ayres U. S. agent — Chief town of Libe- 
ria called Monrovia, after President Mon- 
roe. 

CHAPTER III. 

Era of local societies in Virginia, auxiliary 
to American Colonization Society of Rich- 



mond and Manchester, Judge Marshall 
President — Other officers — Officers of So- 
cieties in Norfolk, Fredericksburg, Peters- 
burg, Alexandria, Isle of Wight, Hamp- 
ton, Sussex, Albemarle, King William, 
Dinwiddle, Amherst, Berkeley, Nanse- 
mond, Buckingham, Nelson, Fluvanna, 
Harpers' Ferry, Wheeling, Frederick, Ka- 
nawha, Augusta, Powhatan, Loudoun, 
Charlestown, Shepherdstown, Rocking- 
ham, Lynchburg, Mecklenberg, Campbell, 
Bedford, Rockbridge, &c — Meetings of 
Richmond Society in 1824, 1825, 1826— 
Reports — Addresses of Robert G. Scott, 
Mr. Rutherfoord, John Y. Mason, Judge 
Upshur, &c. — Memorial to General As- 
sembly — Appropriation of $800 for bene- 
fits of colonists by General Assembly of 
Virginia — General Blackburn's speech — 
Rockbridge Society — Memorial of Powha- 
tan Society — Efforts to divert emigration 
to Hayti — Comparison of Hayti with Li- 
beria. 

CHAPTER IV. 
Richmond auxiliary changed into indepen- 
dent State Society, 15th Dec'r, 1828— 
Report — Resolutions of Mr. Rutherfoord 
and Wm. H. Fitzhugh, Judge May of Pe- 
tersburg — Constitution of Colonization 
Society of Virginia, Judge Marshall pres- 
ident, other officers — Petition from Peters- 
burg Society and Colonization Society of 
Virginia, presented to Legislature by John 
F. May and John Rutherfoord, &c. — Re- 
port of Committee in General Assembly, 
by John F. May, its chairman — Speeches 
of Messrs. Rives, Harrison, Toler and 
Mosby before Lynchburg Society, of N. 
M. Blackburn at Fredericksburg, of Bish- 
op Meade at Winchester, and Rev. A. 
Broadus in King William, Alexandria, &c. 
— Addresses of Rev. Messrs. Harrison, 



XVllI 



INDEX. 



Walton and Cornelius, and Mr. Woart — 
Augusta Society— Death of D. Sheifey— 
Death of Judge Washington and W. H. 
Fitzhugh — Speech of Gen. Walter Jones 
and G. W. P. Custis. 

CHAPTER V. 

Rise of Northern Abolitionism — Coloniza- 
tion and Abolition antagonistic — Doings of 
Abolitionists — Mercenary pamphlets — 
Gov. Giles' Message — Richmond Enqui- 
rer — Letter of H. Gray Otis of Boston to 
the Governor of Virginia — Wm. L. Gar- 
rison — Relation between Abolitionists and 
Southampton Insurrection, &c. 

CHAPTER VI. 

Gov. Floyd's message to Legislature about 
Southampton Insurrection — Richmond 
Enquirer — Debate on Abolition and Free 
Negroes in House of Delegates — Bill pass- 
ed by House of Delegates and rejected by 
Senate — Sketch of Debate — Ayes and 
Noes. 

CHAPTER VII. 

Caucus and results of Debate on Emancipa- 
tion in General Assembly in 1831-32 — 
Sketch of public opinion on Slavery — The 
course of Delegates from Virginia in Con- 
vention — First draft of Declaration of In- 
dependence — Letters of Jefferson, Madi- 
ison and Marshall on Colonization — Views 
of B. Watkins Leigh and Professor Dew, 
of William and Mary — Annual Meeting 
of Colonization Society of Virginia in 
1832 — Promulgation of its Principles and 
Designs — Judge Marshall, John Tyler, 
Andrew Stevenson and Wm. S. Archer 
elected delegates to American Coloniza- 
tion Society — Speech of Mr. Archer — 
Richmond Enquirer and Whig — The only 
immediate result of debate on abolition in 
1832 was a more stringent law on Slaves 
— A lesson to Abolitionists. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

18.eaction in public sentiment on the subject 
of emancipation — Dew's pamphlet and 
Harrison's article — American Quarterly — 
Professor Dew's argument — The main ob- 
ject in changing public opinion — His view 
of Coloni?;ation Society erroneous — Its true 



design set forth in its Constitution — Any 
other views only private opinion — Report 
of committee of House of Delegates on 
Colonization, February 1833— Mr. Gil- 
mer's amendment — Passage of act mak- 
ing appropriation to the Society — Ayes 
and Noes — Society encouraged — R. G. 
Scott's circular — Anniversary of Bedford 
Colonization Society — New Society in 
Mecklenburg — Extract from Richmond 
Whig — Master scheme of age. 

CHAPTER IX. 

Sayings and doings of Abolitionists — Their 
fusions ever against Colonization Society 
—Protest against Colonization Society in 
England, signed by Wilberforce, Daniel 
O'Connell and others — Anti-Slavery tract 
assigning objections to the Colonization 
Society — Meetings in the South and at the 
North against incendiary doings of Aboli- 
tionists — Course of Rev. Mr. Tracy of 
of Boston — Revenue of Society in Virgi- 
nia — Conservative course of Colonization 
Society of Virginia — Mr. Maxwell's and 
Edv/ard Colston's resolutions — Withdraw- 
al of Gerrit Smith from Colonization So- 
ciety, because he could not pervert it to 
anti-slavery purposes. 

CHAPTER X- 

Reverend Mr. McKenney's agency — Young 
Men's Colonization Society of Richmond 
— Anti-Abolition resolution of Coloniza- 
tion Society of Virginia — Death of Chief 
Justice Marshall, president of Coloniza- 
tion Society of Virginia — Wm. H. McFar- 
land's resolution and address on the occa- 
sion — Eulogy of Rev. Wm. Atkinson on 
the great Virginian Colonizationists, Jef- 
ferson, Madison, Monroe, Marshall, Fitz- 
hugh, and Brodnax — Death of Jas. Madi- 
son, President of the American Coloniza- 
tion Society — Tribute to him by the Soci- 
ety — Letter of Mrs. Madison, &c — John 
Tyler elected President of Colonization 
Society of Virginia — Names of Vice-Pres- 
idents and managers, &c — Rev. C. W. 
Andrews elected agent — (colonization 
meeting in Richmond — Mr. Andrews' 
resolutions — Addresses of Rev. Drs. Plum- 
mer and Jeter. 



INDEX. 



XIX 



CHAPTER XI. 

Petition to Legislature for amendment of act 
of 1833 — Report of select committee Ja- 
nuary 30, 1837, by Mr. Watkins— Extract 
from Fredericksburg Arena — Petitions 
from Augusta and Rockingham — Rich- 
mond Whig — Annual meeting, 1837 — 
Hall of House of Delegates crowded — 
Judge May presided — Mr. Andrew's Re- 
port — Speeches of Messrs. Marshall of 
Fauquier, Randolph of Albemarle, Ander- 
son of Botetourt, Smith of Culpeper and 
Maxwell of Norfolk — Rev. Mr. Gurley's 
proposition to plant a colony to be called 
New Virginia. 

CHAPTER Xn. 

Events of 1837 — New Virginia — Petitions 
from Shenandoah — Report of Committee 
on Finance by Mr. Rives — Annual Meet- 
ing m 1838 — Address of President Tyler 
— Mr. Andrew's Report — Speech of Gen. 
Bayly of Accomac, and of Messrs. Rives, 
Baxter, Maxwell and Henry A. Wise. 

CHAPTER XIH. 
House of Delegates, and petitions for amend- 
ment of Act of 1833 — Rev. Messrs. An- 
drews and Balch — Annual Meeting of 22d 
February, 1839 — Hall crowded to over- 
flowing — Hon. John Tyler in the chair, J. 
C. Crane, secretary — Speeches of Wm. 
Smith of Culpeper. B. H. Smith of Ka- 
nawha, J. T. Anderson and T. W. Gilmer 
and Rev. Mr. Balch— Elliott Crepon — 
Speeches of William C. Rives, Rev. Mr. 
Gurley and Mr. Morehead — Mr. Knight's 
agency — Sermon of Rev. James Craik — 
Correspondence between Judge Upshur 
secretary of State and Mr. Fox British 
Minister — Tyler, Wise and Rives dele- 
gates to American Colonization Society — 
Annual Meeting of 1845 — Gov. McDow 
ell's address—Interregnuum—Extract from 
American Repository — Reorganization of 
Colonization Society of Virginia in 1849, 
Mr. McFarland in the chair — Speeches of 
Bishop Johns, Messrs. Busche, Maxwell, 
Reeve, James and the Rev. Mr. Tinsley — 
R. B. Boiling elected President — Other 
officers — Declension of Mr. Boiling — Gov. 
Floyd elected President and accepts — 
Rev. Wm. Atkison elected gen'l agent — 



Rev. Mr. Baily's memorial — Rev'd Mr. 
Slaughter's address to Legislature — Mes- 
srs. T. H. Ellis, J. C. Crane and F. James 
committee, and Rev. Mr. McLain's state- 
ment and address to Board of Managers- 
Annual meeting in 1st Presbyterian church 
Rev. Mr. Moore's — Gov. Floyd in the 
chair — Letters from Henry Clay, R. W. 
Thompson and Joseph R. Underwood — 
Speech of Mr. Latrobe — Rev. P. Slaugh- 
ter, General agent — Passage of Mr. Dor- 
man's bill making appropriation to Colo- 
nization Society — Definition of Society's 
position on subject oi slavery. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Annual meeting of 1851 — Mr. Slaughter's 
report received by secretary, Mr. B. Mi- 
nor — Vote of thanks to general agent — 
Mr. R. G. Scott's resolution — Speeches of 
John Janney, Tazewell Taylor, Judge 
Moncure, Mr. Dorman and Mr. Samuel 
Chilton and Davie — Rev. Mr. Starr and 
Rev. Mr. Bailey's services acknowledged 
Annual meeting of 1852 — Gov. Floyd in 
the chair — Speeches of Rev. T. V. Moore, 
Rev. Mr. Read, Bishop Payne of Africa, 
and John Howard, Esq.-Rev. Mr. Tin.->ley— 
Mr. Howard's Memorial — Establishment 
of Colonizationist as organ of Colonization 
Society of Virginia — Emigrants and rev- 
nue — Mr. Slaughter's documents fer the 
Society, containing Mr. Howard's memo- 
rial — Correspondence with officers of the 
Navy and sketch of African Coloniza- 
tion — Annual meeting of 1853, Mr. Mc- 
Farland in the chair — Mi. Slaughter's re- 
port — Speech of Hon. Mr. Thompson of 
Indiana — Debate in House of Delegates 
on free negroes — Divers schemes propos- 
ed — Bill reported from Committee of 
Courts of Justice, by T. B. Miller— Pas- 
sage of the bill, copy of it — Mr. John M. 
Speed's services — Members of Coloniza- 
tion Board — Gov. Johnson's Message — 
Workings of the law — Annual Meeting, 
1855 — Mr. Slaughter's statement — 
Speeches of Rev. Dr. Doggett, Rev. Mr. 
Gurley, and Rev. Dr. Burrows — Mr. 
Slaughter's resolutions — Rev. Dr. Lee's 
speech — Revenue and emigrants — Elec- 
tion of Col. John Rutherfoord as Presi- 
dent, other officers. 



INDEX. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Africa and America — Their Providential re- 
lation — The lesson it teaches — African 
Colonization a great missionary scheme — 
Remarkable agreement of Churches upon 
the subject — Proceedings of Churches in 
Virginia — The failure of white missions 
before the settlement of Liberia — Sierra 
Leone — Wesleyan, Baptist, Episcopal, 
Presbyterian and other stations within and 
without the limits of Liberia — Testimony 
of Bishop Scott of Methodist, and of Bish- 
op Payne of the Episcopal church, and of 
Rev. Mr. Bowen of Baptist church. 

CHAPTER XVI. 
The Geography of Liberia, Montesudo, 
Grand Bassa and Sinou counties, Monro- 
via, Georgia, Caldwell, Virginia, Ken- 
tucky, Millsburg— The St. Paul's, Junk, 
Stockton and St. John's rivers — Marshall, 
Bassa, Edina, Upper and Lower Bucha- 
nan, Bexley, Sinou, Greenville, Readville, 
Lexington, Louisiana, Maryland, Cape 
Palmas, Harper, Cavalla, &c — Captains 



Lynch and Foote of the U. S. Navy — Dr. 
Lugenbeel, Rev. Messrs. Pinney and Gur- 
ley — Cavalla Messenger. 

CHAPTER XVir. 

Testimony of eye witnesses of Liberia — 
Rev. Messrs. Gurley and Pinney, and Dr. 
Lugenbeel — Of the Missionaries — Of the 
Navy officers. Commodores Stockton, Per- 
ry, Mayo, Lavalette, Read, Crepon and 
Gregory — Commanders Lynch, Foote, 
Marston, Rudd, and Purser Bradford — 
Comparison of Colonization of Virginia 
and Liberia, and of our Southern and 
Western States and Liberia. 

CHAPTER XVHI. 

A chain of eminent Virginian authorities 
who have expressed opinions in favor of 
the Colonization Society, running through 
the whole course of our History from 1776 
to the present time, including men of all 
parties in politics, and all creeds in reli- 
gion. 



THE VIRGINIAN 

HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 



Chapter I. 

Who kmnvs not that truth is next t<> tlie Al- 
mighty. Give her but room and do not bind her. 
Lot her and falsehood grapple. Who ever knew 
truth to be put to the worrit in a free and open 
encounter. — Milfnv. 

History of Colonizaiion from the first sugges- 
tion of the idea by Thomas Jefferson, in 
1776. Through all its modifications by 
the General Assemblies of Virginia in 1800, 
1802, 1804 and 1816, tmti I its full devel- 
opment in the American Colonization Soci- 
ety, at Washington, in 1817 — inchidingthe 
correspondence of Thomas Jefferson, Presi- 
dent of the United States, with Monroe and 
Page, Governors of Virginia. 

It is curious to see how an idea, thrown 
nut by a great mind, goes on revolving in the 
world, setting other minds to work and from 
the contact receiving new directions and im- 
pulses, until it expands into a scheme of 
policy deeply affecting the fate not merely 
of individuals, but of continents and races 
of men. Just as we have seen a small stream 
of water springing from a mountain side and 
flowing at first with a force barely sufficient 
to overcome the pebbles it meets in its way, 
yet after receiving tributaries from other 
sources, acquires a resistless might which 
sweeps away all opposing obstacles, and 
mingles with the world of wafers wlin.-e tides 
beat upon every shore. 

The scheme of African (.'olonizatinn is 
such an idea. Springing from the ger- 
minant genius of Tliomas Jefferson, it has 
gradually made its way into legislative halls 
and Christian churches, and is now attract- 
ing the attention and challenging the regard 
of the civilized Avorld. 

In the General Assembly of 1776, a com- 
mittee was appointed to revise the laws of 
the State. This committee consisted of Tho. 
Jefferson. Edmund Pendleton, Geo. Wythe, 



George Mason and Ludwell Lee. Mr. Jef- 
ferson tells us that he prepared an amend- 
ment to be submitted to this committee pro- 
posing a comprehensive plan of Colonization. 
The committee, we believe, did not report 
until 178.5, when Mr. Jefferson was in France 
and Pendleton and Wythe upon the bench. 
The seed of Colonization was nevertheless 
sown and soon began to germinate. In 1787, 
Dr. Thornton (of Virginia) published an ad- 
dress to the free negroes, offering to lead 
them in person to Africa. 

This being the suggestion of a private in- 
dividual, had no visible results. The subject 
was still working unseen in the minds of 
men, and after the lapse of thirteen years, it 
reappeared in the public councils. It is an 
interesting study to trace it through all its 
phases, as it gradually wrought itself out into 
a definite form. This we arc happily ena- 
bled to do by public documents, the first of 
which is a resolution of the House of Dele- 
gates, which was passed almost unanimously 
and in the following words : 

//; llie Hon-ic nj' DclrAiules. Dfcr-iitlicr \)\, 1800. 

Resolved, That the Governor be requested 
to correspond with the President of the Uni- 
ted States on the subject of purchasing lands 
without the limits of this State, whither per- 
sons obnoxious to the laws or dangerous fo 
the peace of society may be removed. 

A copy from tlie House of Delegates. 

WILLIAM WIRT, Clerk H. D. 

This resolution is sonicwhat obscure. The 
Hou>o of Delegates seemed to hesitate in 
giving lull expression to all that was in their 
minds. It needs a key to unlock its mean- 
int^. The Letters of Jefferson and Monroe, 
and the explanation r,( the House in 180'2 
supplies this key. 

Mr Monroe, being then Governor of Vir- 
ginia, in compliance with the foregoing reso- 



g 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



lution. addressed the following letler to Mr. 
Jefferson, then President of the United 
States : 

Richmond, Jane 15, 1801. 

Sir : I enclose you a resolution of the 
General Assembly of the Commonwealth, of 
the last session, by which it is made my 
dut}' to correspond with you on the subject 
of obtaining, by purchase, lands without the 
limits of this State to which persons obnox- 
ious to the laws or dangerous to the peace 
of socief}' ma}' bo removed. This resolution 
was produced by the conspiracy of the slaves 
which took place in this city and neighbour- 
hood last year, and is applicable to that de- 
scription only. The idea of such ati acquisi- 
tion was suggested bv motives of hum.anity, 
it h'eini; intended bv iiieaii^ therf^of to pro- 
vide an alternate mode of punishment for 
those described by the resolution, who, under 
the existing law, -might be doomed to suffer 
death. It was deemed more humane, and, 
it is hoped, would be found in practice not 
less expedient, to transport such ollenders 
beyond the limits of the State. 

It seems to be the more obvious intention 
of the Legislature, as inferred from the reso- 
lution, to make the proposed acquisition of 
land in the vacruit Western territory of the 
United States; but it do-'^s not appear to nie 
to prechule one without the limits (jf !lie 
Union. If a friendly Power would designate 
a tract of country witliin its jurisdiction, 
either on this contincMit or a noighliouring 
i land, to which we might send such persons, 
il i< not improbable the Legislature might 
prefer it. Jn any event, an alternative could 
not be otherwise than desirable, since, after 
maturely weighing the conditio)i and ndvan- 
tages of each position, the Legislature might 
still prefer that which appeared to it most 
eligible. 

It is proper to remark, that the latter part 
of the resolution, which proposes the remo- 
val of such persons as are dangerous to the 
peace of society, may be understood as com- 
prising many to whom the preceding mem- 
ber does not apply. Whether the Legisla- 
ture intended to give it a more extensive im- 
port, or, rather, whether it contemplated re- 
moving from the country any but culprits 
condemned to suffer death, I will not pretend 



to decide. But, if the more enlarged con- 
struction of the resolution is deemed the 
true one, it lurnishes. in my opinion, a strong 
additional motive why the Legislature, in 
disposing of this great concern, should com- 
mand an alternative of places. As soon as 
the mind emerges, in contemplating the sub- 
ject, beyond the contracted scale of provi- 
ding a mode of punishment for offenders, 
vast and interesting objects present them- 
selves to view. It is impossible not to in- 
volve in it the condition of those people, \.\w 
embarrassment they liave already occasioned 
us, and are still likely to subject us to. We 
perceive an existing evil, which commenced 
under our colonial .system, with which we 
are not properly chargeable, or, if at all, not 
in the present degree: and we acknowledge 
the extreme difficulty in remed\'ing it. At 
this point the mind re>ts with suspense, and 
siH'veys with anxiety obstacles which be- 
come moie serious as we approach them. It 
is in vain for the Legislature to deliberate on 
the subject, in the extent of which it is capa- 
ble, with a view to adopt the system of pol- 
icy which appears to it most wise and just, 
if it has not the means of executing it. To 
lead to a sovnid decision, and make the re- 
sult a hapi^y one, il is necessary tiiat the 
field of practicable expedients be opened to 
its election on the widest possible scale. 

Inder this view of the subject, 1 shall be 
happy to be advised by you whether a tract 
of land ill the Western territory of the Uni- 
ted States can be procured for this j)urpose. 
in what quarter, antl on what t(M-ms - And, 
also, whether a friendly Power will permit 
us to remove such j)ersons within its limits, 
with like precision as to the place and con- 
ditions .' It is possible a friendly Power ma}' 
be disposed to promote a population of the 
kind referred to, and willing to facilitatc-the 
measure by co-operating with us in the ac- 
complishment of it. It may be convenient 
for you to sound such Powers, especially 
: those more immediately in our neighborhood, 
on the subject, in all the views which may 
appear to you to be suitable. 

You will perceive that I invite youratten.- 

tion to a subject of great delicacy and im- 

; portance, one which, in a peculiar degree, 

{ involves the future peace, tranquility, and 

j happiness, of the good people of this Com- 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



monwealth. I do it, however, in a confi- 
dence that you will take that interest in it 
which we are ta\to;ht to expect from your 
conduct through life, which gives you so 
many high claims to our regard. 

With great respect, I have theonour tobe, 
&c., JAMES MONROE. 

Thomas .Jefferson, 

President of the Uaiied iSlalts. 
Mr. Jefferson's answer to Mr. Monroe's 
letter is dated November 24, 1801, and is as 
follows, viz. 

Wasltingtoii, Xoccmbcr 24, 1801. 

Dear Sir : I had not been unmindful of 
your letter of June loth, covering a resolu- 
tion of the House of Representatives of Vir- 
ginia, and referred to in yours of the 17th 
instant. The importance of the subject, and 
the belief that it gave us time for considera- 
tion till the next meeting of the Legislature, 
have induced me to defer the answer to this 
date. You will perceive that some circum- 
stances connected with the subject, and ne- 
cessarily presenting themselves to view, 
would be improper but for your and the leg- 
islative ear. Their publication might have 
an ill effect in more than one quarter; in 
confidence of attention to this, I shall indulge 
greater freedom in writing. 

Common malefactors, I presume, make no 
part of the object of that resolution. Neither 
their numbers, nor the nature of their of- 
fences, seem to require an}' pi'ovisions be- 
yond those practised heretofore, and found 
adequate to the repression of ordinary crimes. 
Conspiracy, insurgency, treason, rebellion, 
among that description of persons who 
brought on us the alarm, and on themselves 
the tragedy of 1800, were doubtless within 
the view^ of every one ; but many, perhaps, 
contemplated, and one expression of the res- 
olution might comprehend, a much larger 
scope. Respect to both opinions makes it 
my duty to understand the resolution in all 
the extents of which it is susceptible. 

The idea seems to be, to provide for these 
people by a purci)ase of land ; and it is ask- 
ed whether such a purchase can be made of 
the United States, in their Western territo- 
ry r A very great extent of countr}' north of 
the Ohio lias been laid off into townships, 
and is now at market, according to the pro- 



visions of the acts of Congress, with which 
you are acquainted. There is nothing which 
W'ould restrain the State of Virginia, either 
in the purchase or the application of these 
lands ; but a purchase by the acre might, 
perhaps, be a more expensive provision than 
the House of Representatives contemplated. 
Questions would also arise, whether the es- 
tablishment of such a colony within onr lim- 
its, and to become a part of our Union, would 
be desirable to the State of Virginia itself, or 
to the other States, especially those who 
would be in its vicinity? 

Could we procure lands beyond^ the limits 
of the United States, to form a receptacle for 
these people } On our Northern boundary the 
country not occupied by British subjects is 
the property of Indian nations, whose titles 
would be to be extinguished, with the con- 
sent of Great Britain ; and the new settlers 
would be British subjects. It is hardly to be 
believed that either Great Britain or the In- 
dian i)roj)rietors have so disinterested a re- 
gard for us as to be willing to relieve us by 
receiving such a colony themselves ; and as 
much is it to be doubted whether that race 
of men could long exist in so rigorous a cli- 
mate. On our Western and Southern fron- 
tiers Spain holds an immense country ; the 
occupancy of which, however, is in the In- 
dian natives, except a few insulated spots 
possessed by Spanish subjects. It is very 
questionable, indeed, whether the Indians 
would sell — and nearly certain that she would 
not alienate the sovereignty. The same 
question to ourselves would recur here also 
as did in the first case : Should we be will- 
ing to have such a colony in contact w^ith 
us .' However our precedent interests may 
restrain us within our own limits, it is impos- 
sible not to look forward to distant times, 
when our rapid multiplication will expand 
itself beyond those limits, and cover the 
whole Northern, if not the Southern conti- 
nent, with a people speaking the same lan- 
o-uage, governed in similar forms and by 
similar laws. Nor can we contemplate with 
satisfaction either blot or mixture in that 
surface. Spain, France, and Portugal, hold 
possessions on the Southern continent, as to 
w^hich I am not w'ell enough informed to say 
how far they might meet our views. But 
either there or in the Northern continent, 



{) 



The Virgitiian History of JJfrican Colonization. 



should the constituted authorities of Virginia 
fi\ their attention of preference, I will have 
the dispositions of those Powers sounded in 
the first instance. 

The West Indies oiler a more probable and 
practical retreat for them. Inhabited alrea- 
dy by a people of their own race and colour — 
climates congenial with their natural consli- 
tntion, insulated from the other description 
of men — nature seems to have formed these 
islands to become the receptacles of the 
blacks transplanted into this hemisphere. 
Whether we could obtain from the European 
sovereigns of those islands leave to send 
thither the persons under contemplation, I 
cannot say ; but I think it more probable 
than the former proposition, because of their 
lieing already inhabited more or less b}' the 
^ame race. The most promising portion of 
them is the island of St. Domingo, where the 
blacks are established into a sovereignty de 
facto, and have organized themselves under 
regular laws and government. I should con- 
jecture that their present ruler might be will- 
ing on many considerations to receive even 
that description which would be exiled for 
acts deemed criminal by us, but meritorious 
perhaps by him. The possibility that these 
exiles might stimulate and conduct vindic- 
tive or predatory descents on our coast, and 
facilitate concert with their brethren remain- 
ing here, looks to a state of things between 
that island and us not probable, on a contem- 
plation of our relative strength, and of the 
disproportion daily growing ; and it is over- 
weicrhed by the humanity of the measures 
proposed, and the advantages of disembar- 
rassing ourselves of such dangerous charac- 
ters. Africa would offer a last and undoubt- 
ed resort, if all others more desirable should 
fail us. Whenever the Legislature of Virginia 
shall have brought its mind to a point, so 
that I may know exactly what to propose to 
foreign authorities, I will execute their wishes 
with fidelity and zeal. I hope, however, 
they will pardon me for suggesting a single 
cjuestion for their own con>ideration. When 
we contemplate the variety of countries and 
of sovereigns towards which we may direct 
our views, the vast revolutions and changes 
of circumstances which are now in a course 
of progression, the por^tibilities that arrange- 
ments now to be made with a view to any 



particular place may at no great distance of 
time be totally deranged by a change of sov- 
ereignty, of government, or of other circum- 
stances, it will be for the Legislature to con- 
sider whether, after they shall have made all 
those general provisions which may be fixed 
by legislative authority, it would be reposing 
too much confidence in their Executive to 
leave the place of relegation to be decided 
on by them, and executed with the aid of 
tlie Federal Executive .^ They could accom- 
modate their arrangements to the actual 
state of things in which countries or powers 
may be found to exist at that day, and may 
prevent the eflect of the law from being de- 
feated b}^ intervening changes. This, how- 
ever, is for them to decide. Our duty will 
be to respect their decision. 

Accept assurances, ^c. 

THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

(iusrniol- .MoMiOK. 

From this letter we learn that Mr. Jefl'er- 
son gave the resolution of 1800 a broader 
construction than its terms express. He 
doubtless had information from private sour- 
ces of the views of members, and therefore 
he said, '• That respect to all opinions made 
it his duty to understand the resolution in all 
the extents ol which it is susceptible." 

Upon the reception of Mr. Jefferson's let- 
ter, Ml'. Monroe communicated it to the 
House of Delegates, accompanied with the 
following message, evidently intended to 
elicit a more full expression of the object 
which they had in view, in their first resolu- 
tion. The message is as follows : 

Sir : I have the pleasure to communicate 
to the General Asscmbl}^ a copy of m}^ cor- 
respondence with the President of the United 
States, in compliance with the resolution of 
31st December last, relative to the purchase 
of lands without the limits of the State, to 
which persons obnoxious to its laws or dan- 
gerous to the peace oi society may be re- 
moved. As it was known that the United 
States had lands for sale in the territory lying 
between the Ohio and iMississippi, a propo- 
sition to make the acquisition by purchase 
conveyed the idea of a preference for a tract 
in that quarter : but as such preference was 
not declared, and a liberal construction of 
the resolution admitted a greater scope, I 



The Virginian History of ^ifrican Colonization. 



thought it my duty to open the subject in 
that light to the President. His reply has 
stated fully and ably the objections which 
occur to such an establishment within the 
limits of the United States. He also presents 
to view all the other places, on the continent 
and elsewhere, which furnish alternatives, 
with the advantages attending each, and as- 
sures us of the promptitude that he will co- 
operate in carrying into effect whatever plan 
the Legislature may adopt in reference to 
the object contemplated. It remains, there- 
fore, for the General Assembly to explain 
more fully the description of persons who 
are to be thus transported, and the place to 
which it is disposed to give the preference. 
As soon as its sense is declared on these 
points, I shall hasten 1o communicate the 
same to the President, and shall not fail to 
lay the result before you at your next session. 
It is proper to add, that it is the wish of the 
Presideut that the communication be consid- 
ered as coniidential. 

I am, sir, with great rcspccl and esteem, 
your very humble servant, 

JAMES MONROE. 

* 

This led to the following explanation by 
the House of Delegates, passed January 16, 
1802, and agreed to by the Senate. January 
23, 1802. 

hi Ihr IhMist' lit' l)c/C(/aics, Salurdaij. Jauvari/ IC 
' 1802. 

The Legislature of the Commonweal! h. 
by their resolution of December last, having 
authorized the Governor to correspond with 
the President of the United States relative 
to the purchase of lands without the limits of 
this State, to which persons obnoxious to the 
laws or dangerous to the peace of society 
might be removed, from which general ex- 
})ressions a difference of construction has 
prevailed, to reconcile Vv'hich, recourse must 
be had to the actual state of things which 
produced the resolution ; therefore, resolved, 
that, as the resolution was not intended to 
embrace offenders for ordinary crimes, to 
which the laws have been found equal, but 
only those for conspiracy, insurgency, trea- 
son, and rebellion, among those particular 
persons who produced the alarm in this State 
in the fall of 1800, the Governor be request- 
ed, in carrying the said resolution into effect 



upon the construction here given, to request 
the President of the U^nited States, in pro- 
curing the lands, to prefer the continent of 
Africa, or any of the Spanish or Portug•uc^e 
settlements in South America. 

Resolved, also, that the Governor be re- 
quested to correspond with the President of 
the United States, for the purpose of obtain- 
ing a place without the limits of the same, to 
which free negroes or mnlattoes, and such 
negroes or mulattoes as may be emancipated, 
may be sent or choose to remove as a place 
of asylum : and that it is not the wish of the 
Legislature to obtain, on behalf of those who 
may remove or be sent thither, the sover- 
eignty of such place. Resolved, also, that 
the Governor lay before the next General 
Assembh' the result of his communication, 
to be subject to their control. 

WILLIAM WIRT, C. H. D. 
January 23, 1802. — Agreed to by the Senate. 

H. BROOKE, C. S. 
A cujjy. — Test : 

JAMES PLEASANTS, .Ik. ('. //. D. 

Here, lor the first time, li)e meaning' of 
the House (jf Delegates distinctly emerges 
into view, and Mr. Jefierson's broad con- 
struction of the resolution of 1800. is proved 
to have been sound. These resolutions con- 
tain the whole idea of the Colonization So- 
ciety as it is now embodied. Measures are 
proposed for obtaining a place without the 
limits of the United States, to which free 
negroes and mulattoes and such as may be 
emancipated, may be sent, or choose to re- 
move, as an Asylum, and Africa is designa- 
ted as the place. 

Here the matter seems to have rested, 
until the year 1804, when Mr. Jefferson ad- 
dressed a letter to IMr. Page, the then o-qv- 
ernor of Virginia, in which he himself relin- 
quishes the idea of St. Domingo, and speaks 
of the territory of Louisiana, just purchased 
by the American government. The letter is 
as follows : 

\Vntshinylo)t, Decmnbfr '11 , \^{)\, 

Deah Sir : Resuming the subject of the 
resolutions of the House of Delegates of D, - 
cember 31st, 1800, January 16th, 1802, and 
February 3d, 1804, I have it not in my pow- 
er to sav that any change of circumstances 



6 



The Virgimmi History of African Colonization. 



has taken place which enables me yet to pro- 
pose any specific asylum for the persons who 
are the subjests of our correspondence. The 
island of St. Domingo, our nearest and most 
convenient recourse, is too unsettled in the 
conditions of its existence to be looked to as 
yet for any permanent arrangements ; and 
the European nations have territories in the 
same quarter, and possess the same kind of 
population. Whether the inhabitants of our 
late acquisition beyond the Mississippi, or 
the National Legislature, would consent that 
a portion of that country should be set apart 
for the persons contemplated, is not within 
my competence to say. 

My last information us to Siena Leone is, 
that the company was proposing to deliver 
up their colony to their Government. Should 
this take place, it might furnish occasion foi- 
another effort lo procure an incorporation of 
ours into it. An attack during the war has 
done the settlement considerable injury'. 

I beg you to be assured thai, having the 
object of the House of Delegates sincerely 
at heart, 1 will keep it under my constant \ 
attention, and omit no occasion which may I 
occur of giving it effect. i 

Accept my affectionate salutations, and 
assurances of great respect and considera- 



tion. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 



'iiMir I^AC;:. 



This letter led to the following resolution 
of the House of Delegates, dated December! 
3, 1804, and agreed to by the Senate, Janu- 
ary 22, 1805. " 

General Assembly begun and held at the 
Capitol in the city of Richmond, Virginia, on 
Monday the third day of December, in the 
year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
dred and four, and of the Commonwealth the 
twenty-ninth : 

Resolved, That the Senators of this State 
in the Congress of the United States be in- 
structed, and the Representatives be request- 
ed, to exert their best efforts for the purpose 
of obtaining from the General Government 
a competent portion of territory, in the coun- 
'.vy of Louisiana, to be appropriated to Ihe 
rcsicience of such people of colour as have 
been or shall be eu^ancipated in Virginia, or 
may hereafter become dangerous to the pub- 



lic safety: Provided, That no contract or ar- 
rangement respecting euch territory shall be 
obligatory on this Commonwealth until rati- 
fied by the Legislature. 

H. HOLMES, 
Speaker of the House of Df If gales. 
Agreed to January 22d, 1805. 
C. TAYLOR, 
Speaker of the Senate. 
A copy. — Test : 

JAMES PLEASANTS, Jn., C. H. D. 

On the suggestion contained in Mr. Jef- 
ferson's letter, the Legislature had their at- 
tention entirely turned to a portion of the 
vacant territory of Louisiana. And as their 
resolution contained instructions to the seii- 
ator.s in Congress, and a request to the rep- 
resentatives of the State, to endeavour to 
procure such a territory, it was sent by Gov- 
ernor Page to them, accompanied by the fol- 
lowing note. viz. 

h'u-hhK'iid. Fthiuary 2; lSur>. 

Gentlemex ; I have the honour to enclose 
a resolution of the General Assembly, for an 
explanation of which i beg leave to refer you 
to the copies of letters which passed between 
the President of the United States and Gov- 
ernor Monroe, and to one written by the 
President to me, and by this mail transmitted 
to our Senators in Congress ; but, for more 
satisfactory information, I would refer you to 
the President himself, to whom I shall apol- 
ogize for requesting you to trouble him on 
this occasion ; but I know that he will with 
pleasure give you all the information you 
may require. From the nature of the deli- 
cate business contemplated in the resolution, 
you will see the propriety of its being con- 
sidered confidential. 

I am gentlemen, willi great respect, your 
obedient servant, 

JOHN PAGE. 

Thf h'c/irc.'^ritlaiiirs j'j-oiii luyiiiia in Coiiffrc^-.--. 

Our difiiculties with France and England 
now superseded and arrested, at this point, 
those interesting proceedings. But there 
was at least one eminent politician whose 
mind was not diverted from the contempla- 
tion of this imj)ortant subject by the ap- 
proaching war with England. This fact, with 
other items of information, is disclosed in a 
letter from Mr. Jefftrson to Mr. Lynd upon 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



the subject of Ann Mifflin's project of a col- 1 they were then in treat}' with the govern- 
ment to take the establishment off their 
hands ; but that in no event should they be 
willing to receive more of these people from 



ony in Africa. The letter is as follows — 

MoniiceUo, January 21, 1811. 

Sir : You have asked my opinion on the 
proposition of Ann Mifflin, to take measures 
for procuring on the coast of Africa an es- 
tablishment to which the people of colour of 
these States might, from time to time, be 
colonized, under the auspices of different 
governments. Having long ago made up 
my mind on this subject, I have no hesita- 
tion in saying that I have ever thought that 
the most desirable measures lohich could be 
adopted for gradually drawing off this part of 
our population — most advantageous for them- 
selves as well as for us. Going from a coun- 
try possessing all the useful arts, they might 
be the means of transplanting them among 
the inhabitants of Africa ; and would thus 
carry back to the country of their origin the 
seeds of civilization, which might render 
their sojournment here a blessing in the end 
to that countr}'. 

I received, in the last year of my entering 
into the administration of the general govern- 
ment, a letter from the Governor of Virginia, 
consulting me, at the request of the Legisla- 
ture of the State, on the means of procuring 
some such asylum, to which these people 
might be occasionally sent. 1 proposed to 
him tiic establishment of Sierra Leone, in 
which a private company in England had al- 
ready colonized a number of negroes, and 
particularly the fugitive.s from these States 
during the revolutionary war; and at the 
same time suggested, if that could not be ob- 
tained, some of the Portugue'^o in South 
America as most desirable. 

The subsequent Legislature approving 
these ideas, I wrote the ensuing year (1802) 
to JNIr King, our minister in London, to en- 
deavour to negotiate with the Sierra Leone 
company, and induce them to receive such 
of these people as might be colonized thither. 

He opened a correspondence with Mr. W 

and Mr. Thornton, secretary of the company, 
on the subject; and, in 1803, I received, 
through Mr. King, the result ; which was 
that the colony was going on in but a lan- 
guishing condition ; that the funds of the 
company were likely to fail, as they received 
no return of profit to keep them up ; that 



the United States, as it was that portion of 
settlers who had gone from the United Slates, 
who, by their idleness and turbulence, had 
kept the settlement in constant danger of 
dissolution, which could not have been pre- 
vented, but for the aid of the Maroon negroes 
from the West Indies, who were more indus- 
trious and orderly than the others, and sup- 
ported the authority of the government and 
its laws. 

I think 1 learned afterwards that the Brit- 
ish government had taken the colony into 
their own hands, and I believe it still exists. 

The effort which I made with Portugal, to 
obtain an establishment from them, within 
their colonies in South America, proved also 
abortive. 

You inquired, further, •■' whether I would 
use my endeavours to procure such an es- 
tablishment, secure against violence from 
otjier powers, and particularly the French."' 
Certainly, I shall be tvilling to do any thing / 
can to give it effect and safet}-. 

But I am but a private individual, and 
could only use endeavours with individuals ; 
whereas the A'ational Government can ad- 
dress themselves at once to those of Europe, 
to obtain the desired security, and will un- 
questionably be ready to exert its influence 
with those nations to effect an object so be- 
nevolent in itself, and so important to a great 
portion of its constituents; indeed, nothing 
is more in he wished, than thai the United Slates 
would themselves undertake to make such an 
establishment on the coast of Afriea. 

Exclusive nf motives nf humanity, the 
commercial advantages to be derived from it 
might defray all its expenses ; but for this 
the national mind is not prepared. It may, 
perhaps, be doubted whether many of these 
people would voluntarily consent to such an 
exchange of situation, and but few of those 
who are advanced to a certain age in habits 
of slavery would be capable of governing 
themselves. This should not, however, dis- 
courage the experiment, nor the early trial 
of it. And propositions should be made, 
with all the prudent caution and attention 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



requisite to reconcile it to the interest, the 
safety, and prejudice of all parties. 

Accept the assurance of my respect and 
esteem. 

THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

A treaty of peace having been concluded 
with Great Britain, in 1815, the public mind 
reverted ^vith renewed interest to the subject 
of C/olonization. Charles Fenton Mercer 
was at that time a member of the House of 
Delegates. He accidentally became ac- 
quainted with the acts of the Legislature in 
secret session of ISOO, 1802 and 1804. He 
imputed the failure of those resolutions to 
the secresy with which they were passed, 
and determined, if re-elected, that he would 
renew them at the nextsession. The Legis- 
lature adjourned on the ^Hth of February, 
1816. 

After the adjournment, he w'ent to Wash- 
ington, where he met with Elias B. Cald- 
well and Francis S. Key. to whom he com- 
municated his intentions. They promised 
their co-operalion. INlr. Key said, if neces- 
sar}' he would if possible get a seat in the 
Legislature of Maryland and offer similar 
resolutions. The Legislature of Virginia re- 
assembled on the 17th of November, 1816. 
Mr. Mercer moved his resolutions on the 12th 
of December, preceding his motion, (for 
greater dispatch,) with one to close the doors 
of tiie House. After a day's debate, the 
resolutions were adoj)(e(l by a majority of 
137 votes out of 116. On the 11th of De- 
cember, the injunction of sccresy was re- 
moved, and the resolutions were sent to the 
Senate and passed that body on the 93d of 
December with but one dissenting \'oice. 
The resolutions are a.'- follo^v^ : 

'• Whereas the General Assembly of Vir- 
ginia has repeatedly sought to obtain an As}-- 
lum beyond the limits of the United States 
for such persons of color as have been, or 
may be, emancipated under the laws ot this 
commonwealth, but have hitherto found all 
their efforts frustrated either by the disturbed 
state of other naiioiis, or by domestic causes 



equally unpropitious, they now avail theia- 
selves of a period when peace has healed 
the wounds of humanity and the principal 
nations of Europe have agreed with the gov- 
ernment of the United States in abolishing 
the African slave trade, (a traffic which this 
commonwealth, both before and after the 
Revolution, zealously sought to extirpate,) 
to renew this effort. 

Therefore, Resolved, That the Executive 
be requested to correspond with the Presi- 
dent of the United States for the purpose of 
obtaining a territory on the coast of Africa, 
or at some other place not within any of the 
States, or territories of the United States, to 
serve for an asylum of such persons of 
color as are now free, and desire the same, 
and for those who may be hereafter emanci- 
pated within this commonwealth, and that 
the Senate and Representatives of this State 
in the Congress of the United States be re- 
quested to exert their best efforts to aid in 
the attainment of the above object. 

St. G. Tucker, C. PL D., and 

Keeper of the Rolls of An." 

In the meantime Francis Key, Bishop 
IMeade, Dr. Findley and others, had been 
pondering the .subject of African Coloniza- 
tion. These, with Elias B. Caldwell and 
other persons of like minds, assembled in 
the city of Washington on the 21st of De- 
cember of the same year, and recommended 
the formation of (ho Ameriron Colonization 
Society. 

Mv. Clay ])residc(l at (ho meeting, and 
stirring addresses were made by him, and 
by INIossrs. Caldwell and Randolph of Roan- 
oke. A Committee was appointed to pre- 
sent a memorial to Congress. John Ran- 
dolph was on that committee. The Society 
held its first meeting on the 27tii of January, 
1817, and elected its officers. Judge Bush- 
rod Washington, of Virginia, was made Pres- 
ident, and among the Vice-President's were 
Clay, Crawford, Jackson, Meade, and John 
Tavlnr of \'irn:inia. 



The Virginian History of African Colonization 



9 



CHAPTER II. 

Thr airency of James Monroe in t/ie plantation 
of the Colony of Liberia. 

It was a happy coincidence that the year 
of the formation of the Colonization Society, 
was the year of James Monroe's accession 
to the presidency of the United States. We 
Iiave seen in the preceding narrative, Mr. 
Monroe's active cooperation while Gover- 
nor of Virginia, with Thomas Jefferson, then 
President of the United States, in stimula- 
ting and shaping those acts of the General 
j'Lssembly of Virginia, which led to the for- 
mationv of the Colonization Society. We 
shall now see his agency in a new and high- 
er sphere, in executing those laws of Con- 
gress which resulted in and were, perhaps, 
indispensable to the establishment of the co- 
lony itself. In these events we shall disco- 
ver another example ol the apparent super- 
intendence of Divine Providence over this 
whole scheme, in making individuals and 
States, Politicians and Christians, each mo- 
ved perhaps by a diflerent reason, co-operate 
in bringing about one result. 

It was hardly possible for a private socie- 
ty, with small pecuniary resources, and work- 
ing with such rude materials, to make a per- 
manent plantation upon a distant and bar- 
barous shore. The Society had already bor- 
rowed money to pay the expenses of Messrs. 
Mills and Burgess in searching for a site for 
the colony. To replace this money, Charles 
Fenton Mercer procured, by personal solici- 
tations in Baltimore, the sum of $4,500, and 
Bishop Meade raised a still larger sum in 
Virginia. After discharging this debt, the 
sum remaining in the treasury of the societ}' 
was utterly inadequate to the proposed en- 
terprise, even if a private association had 
been competent to effect the necessary nego- 
tiations with foreign powers. It was not 
likely that the government of the United 
States would take the responsibility of such 
a measure, although Jefferson, Madison, 
Monroe and JNIarshall all concurred in the 
opinion of its expediency and constitution- 
ality. 

But that Divine Providonce, Vv'hose ways 



are not as our ways, had, (as it seems to our 
short sight,) laid far back in the legislation 
of Congress a train of causes, whose effects 
made it the interest of the Government of 
the United States to co-operate with the Col- 
onization Society. 

The Constitution of the United States de- 
nied to Congress the power of prohibiting 
the importation of Slaves into this country, 
until the year 1808. Anticipating this peri- 
od, Congress, in 1807, passed an act prohib- 
iting the slave-trade. This act wa'- to go 
into operation in 1808, so soon as the Consti- 
tutional limitation expired. 

This law, while it imposed heavy penal- 
ties upon all persons who should buy or sell 
any recaptured African, also contained a pro- 
vision placing those captives who should be 
brought into the territory of any particular 
State, in the power of the Legislature of 
such State, to be disposed of at its pleasure. 
Under this provision, the Legislatures of 
several Southern States actually sold a num- 
ber of recaptured Africans. 

Wm. H. Crawford, then Secretary of the 
Treasury, informed the Colonization Society 
that the State of Georgia had recently sold 
a number of those Africans, who had been 
recaptured under the law of 1808, the pro- 
ceeds of whose sale, amounting to $.50,000, 
was then in the Treasury of the State unap- 
propriated, and that there was a company of 
them then advertised for sale. Mr. Craw- 
ford, who was a Vice-President of the Soci- 
ety, advised it to send an Agent to Georgia 
to solicit a release of these captives, and the 
transfer of the $50,000 to their treasury. 
Bishop Meade kindly volunteered for this 
mission. 

A law of Georgia had provided that if pre- 
yious to the sale of any recaptured Africans 
the Colonization Society would undertake to 
convey them to Africa, they should be deliv- 
ered to the Society. 

Bishop Meade succeeded in releasing the 
captives, but not in recovering the money. 

Charles Fenton Mercer, the neighbour and 
personal friend of Mr. Monroe, called the 
attention of the President to the inconsisten- 
cy of the titles of the Acts of Congress of 
1808 and ISIS, with these proceedings in 
Georgia. 

Mr. Morrer in conpornlion with his col- 



10 



The Virfyhnaii History of African Colonization. 



league, Dr. Floyd of Virginia, had a bill re- 
ported in Congress, repealing those pi'ovi- 
^iions, which enabled a State to defeat the 
intention of a law of Congress. This hill 
became the law of 1810, whicli conimittcd 
all recaptured Africans to the custody of the 
Marshals of tlie United States, until they 
could be returned to their own country. It 
also authorized the President of the United 
States to appoint Agents upon the Coast of 
Africa to receive them, and apjnopriated 
$100,000 to carry its provisions into pffbct. 

It will be ])erceived that the Legislation of 
Congress had devolved upon the government 
of the United States a necessity for provid- 
ing tin Asylum for recaptured yVfricans. It 
thus became the interest of the General Gov- 
ernment, in carrying out its own policy, to 
cooperate with the Colonization Society, 
whose benevolent designs were just ripe for 
execution. 

We cannot tell how it strikes others, but 
ior ourselves we recognize with reverence in 
these proceedings, what ."^eem to us unmis- 
takeable indications of a Divine Providence 
presiding over and " shaping the ends" of 
individuals and of Nations. 

li was fortunate for humanity, and espe- 
cially for America and Africa, that the exe- 
cution of this laAv devolved upon James 
Monroe. This good man put a liberal inter- 
pretation upon this act of Congress, as he 
had previously done upon an act of the Gen- 
eral Assembly of Virginia. He communi- 
cated his interpretation to Congress and with 
its acquiescence, he carried the law into ef- 
fect, by placing in the hands of the Society's 
Agent, Mr. Bacon, a large sum of money 
before the sailing of the Elizabeth with the 
Hrst company of emigrants. The Explo- 
ling Agents had selected the isle of Sher- 
bro as the site of the r;oloiiy, and thither 
the first emigrants were conveyed. The 
heroism of this little company in volun- 
teering as the pioneers of this bold adven- 
ture, has a sublime moral, which perhaps in 
after times may be fitly commemorated by 
the muse of History. i 

The Agents of the Society and of the Gov- 
ernment, with about twenty of this little 



company, soon fell victims to the climate and 
the treachery of the natives. The survivors 
tied to Sie.'-ra Leone. At this crisis the cause 
of Colonization again felt the beneficent ef- 
fects of !\lr. Monroe's liberal construc- 
tion of the lav.', which it was his duty to ex- 
ec ufe. 

" When the Elizabeth had been v.'iecked, 
their stores exhausted and hope had well 
nigh gone, (.'apt. Wadsworth of the Navj', 
under the orders of the President, came to 
their relief. He repaired their schooner and 
from his own stores and those of his brother 
officers, he supplied tlieir immediate wants 
and reanimated their hopes. Under like or- 
ders Captain (now Commodore) Stockton, in 
company with the United States' Agent, Dr. 
Ayres, purchased the present site of the 
Colony and removed the remaining colonists 
to it. Capt. Spence who succeeded him, 
with like orders, built for them a stone tower 
to protect them against the infuriated na- 
tives and left them in security and comfort."* 

It was not without reason that Chancellor 
Harper, " one of the first orators that Virgi- 
nia, his native State, ever produced," paid 
to Mr. Monroe the following just tribute at a 
meeting in the capitol at Washington in 1824. 

I will now (the colony had just been nam- 
ed Liberia) ollei- another resolution, with a 
different objeci. It is not only to give a name 
to the principal town in our infant settlement, 
but at the same time to mark our gratitude 
to that venerable and distinguished man to 
whom it is more indebted than to any other 
single man. It is perfectly well known that 
but for the wise and liberal use he has been 
pleased to make of the great power confided 
to him, all our efforts would have been una- 
vailing. As an acknowledgment of his high 
services, I make the following motion : 

Resolved, That the town laid out and estab- 
lished at Liberia, shall be called and known 
by the name of Monrovia, as an acknowledg- 
ment of the important benefits conterred on 
the settlement by the present illustrious Chif I 
Magistrate of the United States. 



• Speeoli of U'iiioral Mercer, to wlium wc arc 
indebted for many of the foregoing facts in the 
liistory of events, of whioli lie niii;lit snv -with 
truth, quomm vmcpui parfifiii. 



The Virginian History of Jlfriaai Colonization. 



11 



Chapter 111. 
Tilt Era of Jluxiliuni Societies in Virginia. 

I think it not premature for us to prom- 
ise, that if before many 3'ears. the author- 
ship of this plan imply responsibility, \n- 
ginia will be ready to bear it; if it impart 
honor Virginia will claim \i.~-Speech of Jesse 
Harrison, of Lynchburg, in 1828. 

The interval of time between the estab- 
lishment of the American Colonization So- 
ciety at Washington, in 1817, and the or- 
ganization of the Colonization Society of 
Virginia at Richmond, in 1828, as an inde 
])endent State institution, was the epoch of 
auxiliary societies. The number of auxiliary 
societies formed during this time will show 
what a strong hold this subject had taken on 
the public mind, and how rapidly and widely 
it spread until it pervaded the whole com- 
monwealth. 

We reproduce the naines of the oIKcers 
and managers of these societies, that the pub- 
lic may see who are entitled to share in tjie 
responsibilities of lliis measure, if it " im- 
plies responsibility, or to claim its honors if 
honors are to be imparted." We are not 
without hope that these reminiscences of by- 
gone days may stir uji the sonr? to finish the 
work of which (heir honored fathers laid the 
Ibundations. 

AUXILIAIIV COLOMZATION :!>OCtETY, 
RICHMOND. 

Chief Justice Marshall, President. 

James Pleasants, John Tyler, VicePres. 

T. C. Howard, Secretary. 

B. Brand, Treasurer. 
'Managers. — R. G. Scott, Jno. Rutherfoord, 
J. H. Eustace, James Blair, D. J. Burr, W. 
Barret, W. Cowling, J. E. Heath, W. Crane, 
H. Ni'ilson, 5k.c. 

MJRFOLK. 

James Ninuno, President. 

Rd. E. Parker, S. Foster, Vice Pres. 

Managers. — J. INIcPhail, J. Cowdery, T. 
C. Broughton, Rev. N. Davis, Rev. H. W. 
Ducachet, J. French, R. L. Green, S. K. 
Kollock; D. G. Fisk, Alex. Gait, J. Hendren, 
R. C. Jennings, H. Shields, R. Soutter, R. B. 
Stance, H. Woodis. 

Wm. Maxwell, Secretary. 



FREDERICKSBT'RG. 

Judge Lomax, President. 

John Gray, John Scott, !). Grinnan, Rt. 
Lewis, Vice Presidents. 

Managers-. — Rev. E. C. McGuire, Dr. W. 
Browne, W. A. Knox, R. T. Thorn, P. Har- 
rison, M. Forbes, J. S. Wellford, John Hart, 
Sam. Gordon, F. Johnson, W. C. Beale, &,c. 
PETEKSBIRG. 

Dr. R. Field, President. 

Rev. A. Syme, Judge May, Vice Pres. 

G. P. Disosway, Treasurer. 

Wm. M. Atkinson, Secretary. 

Managers. — John Grammar, F. G. Yancey, 
Min. Thrift, W. H. Macfarland, T. Young, 
E, Pescud, Wm. Clarke, Tho. Robinson, T. 
Shore, Ben. R.ice, A. B. Spooner, J. Taliafer- 
i-o, Hugh Nelson, Dr. J. C. Pegram. 
AI.EXANUKIA. 

John Roberts, President. 

Rev. Mr. Harrison, Rev. S. Cornelius, V. 
Presidents. 

Managers. — W. Gregory, T. Smith, T. 
Sanford, J. Douglas, N. Fitzhugh, John With- 
ers, J. Cornell, J. G. Nichols, Geo. Johnson, 
C. Page. 

IS[>E OF WIGHT COUNTV. 

Dr. George Butler, President. 

Dr. Geo. Wilson, Major A. Woodley, Vice 
Presidents. 

Col. W. H. Woodley, Secretary. 

John WoiTible, Treasurer. 
HAMPTON. 

Rev. John S. Westwood, President. 

Alatmger.'i.'—Rov . W. Gilliam, L. H. Reed, 
Sam. Watts. 

W. J. Simpkins, Secretary. 

W. S, Arraistead, Treasurer. 
SUSSEX COUNTY. 

John Cargill, President. 

Major Wm. Parham, Vice President. 

Col. George Blow, Secretary. 

W. Parham, Treasurer. 

ALBEMARLE COUNTY'. 

General .1. H. Cocke, President. 

Wm. C. Rives, T. W. Gilmer, James Ter- 
rell, Vice Presidents. 

J. B. Carr, Treasurer. 

KINti WILLIAM COUNT V. 

John Roane, President. 

Rev. Robert Semple Rev. A. Broaddut, 
lice Presidenti-. 



12 



The Virginian History of Africmi Colonization. 



C. W. Taliaferro, Secretary. 
Dr. W. Gwathmey, Treasurer. 

DINWIDDIE COL NT V. 

D. G. Hatch, President. 

Wm. B. Thompson, Vice Prcsidml. 

R. B. Booth, Secretary. 

B. Anderson, Treasurer. 

Managers. — John Atkinson, J. Wainwright, 
R. C. Booth, D. Muir, AV. H. Cousins, J. N. 
Fisher, R. V-. Tucker, S. Thomi^son, J. H. 
Harper. 

AMHERST COUNTY. 

Rev. C. H. Page, President. 

Wm. Duncan, R. S. Ellis, Vice Presidents. 

S. R. Davies, Treasurer. 

S. M. Garland, Secretary. 

Managers.— Y.. A. Cabell, H. M. Garland, 
Wm. Watson, A. B. Davies, Dr. J. P. BroAvu, 
VV. S. Crawford, Ed. Winston. 

BERKLEY COUNTY. 

P. C. Pendleton, President. 

Ed. Colston, M. Locke, Vice Premdents. 

T. Davis, J. Rogers, Secretaries. 

J. K. Wilson, Treasurer. 

Managers. — Alex. Cooper, M. T. Hunter, 
J. Doll, A. Hlbbard, B. C. Wolf, John Stro- 
ther. Rev. C. C. Kranth, J. T. Brooke, J. M. 
Brown, A. Sortwell, J. N. Riddle, W. Evans. 

NANSEMOND COUNTY. 
Jos. Prentiss, President. 
Rev. J. Keeling, R. Cox, J. Riddirk, M. 
Riddick, Vice Presidents. 
J. T. Kilb}', Secretary. 
Arthur Smith, Treasurer. 

BUCKINGHAM COUNTV. 
J. M. Walker, President. 
Rev. T. Burge, Vice Presidont. 
J. Staples, Treasurer. P. B. Phelps, 

NELSON COUN'I'Y. 

Rev. J. Boyd, President. 

J. M. Martin, Vice President. 

Col. A. Brown, Treasurer. 

James Garland, Secretary. 

.Managers. — Rt. Rives, R. Whitehead, C. 
Perrow, L. W. Harrie, Dr. R. Kincaid, Rev. 
J. Paul, Rev. J. Shepherd, R. C. Cutler, 
Lucas P. Thompson. 

FLUVANNA COUNTY. 

General Cocke, President. 
E. J. Magruder, Rev. W. Timberlake, B. 
G. Payne, J, Timberlake, Vice Presidents. 



Managers. — G. Morris, G. A. Strange, J. 
Winn, J. Stillman, J. Currin, Dr. G. M. 
Lewis, Dr. B. M. Jones, C. W. Jones, M. 
Tutwiler, S. F. Morris. 

IIARI^ERS FERRY. 

J. Stubbleficld, President. 
Wm. McGuire, A. Beckham, E. Wager, 
R. Humphreys, Vice Presidents. 
J. U'^ark, Treasurer. 
J. P. McGuire, Secretary. 

WHEELING. 

Noah Zane, President. 

Rev. W. Wiley, Rev. J. Armstrong, Rev. 
H. Furlong, J. Harvey, A. Caldwell, Vice 
Presidejits. 

Managers, — S. Sprigg, E. J. Lee, J. Camp- 
bell, R. Simms, A. Woods, J. C. Smith, R. T. 
Custis, W. F. Peterson, Dr. J. T. L-win, D. 
Hubbard, S. McSullen, D. B. Bayless, R. C. 
Woods, B. McMeehon. 

T. Woods, Treasurer. 

R. McKee, Secretary. 

FREDERICK COUNTY. 

Nat. Burwell, President. 

Obed Waite, Treasurer. 

Aug. C. Smith, Secretary. 

KANAWHA COUNTY. 

Philip P. Thomson, President. 

Hon. Lewis Summers, John L. Fry, Vice 
Presidents. 

Joseph Lovell, Treasurer. 

Edwai'd S. Eddy, Secretary. 

AUGUSTA COUNTY. 

Rev. Dr. Conrad Speece, President. 

Rev. James C. Wilson, Rev. Dr. Danie! 
Stephens, Vice Presidents. 

Managers. — Hon. Archibald Stuart, Wil- 
liam Bell, Daniel Sheffey, Charles A. Stuarf, 
John H. Peyton, Samuel Clarke, James A. 
M'Cue, John M'Cuc, David Gilke.«;on, Jr.. 
William Kinney, Jr., J3avid W. Patterson. 
Nicholas C. Kinney. 

William Clark, Secretary. 

Joseph Cowan, Treasurer. 

POWHATAN COUNTY'. 

Col. James Clark, President. 

William Old, Rev. Edward V.^\A\A. Vi.\- 
Presidents. 

John B. Tinsley, Seer el a ry. 

Joseph Davis, Trei/'ri/rer. 

Maiiagers. — ^^William Pope, Joseph Hobson, 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



13 



Rev. Dan. A. Penick, Thomas Scott, Joseph 
Davis, John Daniel, William L. Montague, 
William Sublitt, John Gilliam. 

I.OUUON COUiM'Y. 

James Monroe, President. 

Samuel Murray, Ludwell Lee, Israel Jan- 
ney.. James Moore, Mahlon Taylor, Samuel 
Nichols, Isaac Brown, Sydney Baily, Johnson 
Cleaveland, Burr Powell, James Heaton, 
William Elzey, William N'oland, Vice Presi- 
dents. 
nR. D. Henderson, Treasurer. 

Richard H. Lee, Secretary. 

CHARLESTOWN, JEFFERSON COUNTY. 

Doctor Samuel I. Gramer, President. 

Bushrod C. Washington, Adam Weaver, 
Henry S. Turner, John T. A. Washington, 
George W. Humphreys, Nathaniel Craighill, 
Vice Presidents. 

Robert Washington, Treasurer. 

John Marsliall, Secretary. 

SHEPHERDSTOWN. 

James S. Lane, Piesident. 

John Baker, Vice President. 

John Cookus, Treasurer. 

Geo. C. P. Kranth, Secretary. 

ROCKINGHAM COUNTY. 

Hon. Daniel Smith, President. 

Doctor Peachy Harrison, Major John Ken- 
ney, Rev. Daniel Baker, Col. Samuel H. Lew- 
is, Vice Presidents. 

Dr. Peachy Harrison, James Bush, Sees. 

David Steele, Treasurer. 

LYNCHBURG. 

Rev. John Early, President. 

Rev. William S. Reid, Rev. F. G. Smith, 
}'ice Presidents. 

Robert Toler, Secretary. 

John Caskie, Treasurer. 

Managers. — John Victor (Mayor), Will. J. 
Holcombe, David R. Edley, Samuel Brans- 
turd, Elijah Fletcher, James Newhall, N. M. 
Taliaferro, John D. Urquhart, Chris. Umfree, 
John Thurmon, David G. Munell, Dr. John 
J. Cabell. 

MECKLENBURG COUNTY. 

Thos. M. Nelson, President. 

Managers.— A. W. Venable, S. V . Wat- 
kins, Ed. R. Chambers, Col. J. Baptist. 

CAMPBELL COUNTY. 
T. Wilson, President. 



BEDFORD COUNTY. 

F. F. Lef'twich, President. 

ROCKBRIDGE COUNTY. 

Capt. R. White, President. 

There were many other Auxiliary Socie- 
ties in Virginia, composed of the largest 
slave holders and most respectable citizens 
of the State. We regret that we have not 
just now an accurate list of them. Every 
one who knows Virginia, will accredit the 
foregoing names as fair repiesentatives of 
the intelligence, moral worth and property 
of the several counties in which they lived. 

If we possessed the records of these So- 
cieties they would, doubtless, contribute many 
interesting materials to the illustration of our 
history. We have fragments of reports, me- 
morials and other documents of these auxi- 
liaries, to which we shall have occasion to 
refer in the j^rogress of our work. 

The only Society in this State whose re- 
cords are preserved entire, is the " Rich- 
mond and Manchester Society." "^ 

On the 4th of November, 1823, the citi- 
zens of Richmond and Manchester met in 
the Hall of the House of Delegates, for the 
purpose of considermg the propriety of form- 
ing a society, auxiliary to the American Col- 
onization Society. Wm. H. Fitzwhylson 
was called to the chair, and James E. Heath 
appointed Secretary. After an address by 
the Rev. R. Randolph Gurley, a Society wa.s 
organized by the adoption of a constitution, 
and the election of officers, whose names 
have been already reported. 

It was an auspicious omen for the Society, 
that such a man as Chief Justice Marshall, 
who by his valor in the field and liis wisdom 
in council, his simple manners and spotles.-< 
life, had won a National reputation, and in- 
spired a universal esteem, was found willing 
to lend to it the weight of his great name 
and character. And it was an edifying ex- 
ample to his countrymen, to see the Chief 
Justice of the United States as punctual in 
attending the meetings of a benevolent so- 
ciety, and presiding over its deliberations 
with the same meekness of wisdom and ap- 
parent interest, as he did over the Supreme 
Court. The board of managers not only 
passed resolutions, but in token of their ear- 
nestness, appointed from among themselves, 
committees to solicit subscriptions and dona- 



14 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



tions in each ward of the City and of Man- 
chester. They fixed the 24th of June, as 
the day of tlie first general meeting of the 
Society, and requested Messrs. H. E. Wat- 
kins, Robert Douthat, R. G. Scott and John 
Rutherford, 1o make addresses in exposition 
of tlie views and purposes of the Society. 

On the 24lh, the Society met and were 
addressed with earnestness and eloquence 
by Messrs. Rutherford and Scott. Mr. Fitz- 
whylson read the annual report, in which the 
managers express their gratification at the 
encouraging facts in the history of the 
Colony and of the Society. Its Affairs they 
say " are managed by gentlemen as distin- 
guished for talents, virtue and patriotism as 
any in the Union. IMen of the first stand- 
ing in the country are daily strengthening its 
interests by accessions to its lists of subscri- 
bers. The government of the United States 
has vouchsafed its patronage, and in several 
instances, rendered imjiortant aid to the Co- 
lony. The removal of the Colonists from 
Sherbro to Mesurado (Liberia) has greatly 
conduced to their security, health and com- 
fort. A vessel has just sailed from James 
River with one hundred emigrants, to the fit- 
ting out of which this Society has materially 
contributed. Tiiese auspicious circumstan- 
ces in the incipient stage of such a serious 
enterprise, compreiiending witliin the sphere 
of its operations, such a variety of interests, 
feelings and opinions, ought to add fervor to 
hope, and energy to exertion ; and if favor- 
ed by the benign approbation of the great 
and awful being in whose dispensations are. 
the issues of all things, it cannot fail of be- 
ing uhiraately crowned witii a success, hon- 
orable to the present and beneficial to future 
"'enerationi'. The receipts of the Society 
for the ten v.-eeks elapsing ^ince its forma- 
tion, were $5'27. 

On motion of Dr. iNIayo, Mes«>rs. Scott and 
Rutherford were requested to furnish the 
Secretary wWh. a copy of their addrejse? to 
be publi^lif^'l with the Annual Report. 

Duriii'.-; tii.> year intervening between the 
present and the next general meeting, the 
Board of Managers continued to meet regu- 
larly for the transaction of business, and their 
minutes are generally signed by the Presi- 
dent. 



On the 17th of January 1825, the Society 
held the next jjeneral meeting. 

The annual report was read. In this doc- 
ument the managers disavow all interference 
with private rights and declare the single 
purpose of "the society to be to afford to 
such free persons of color as choose to emi- 
grate, the means of transportation to Africa, 
and to provide for their comfort for a reason- 
able period. 

That our society has arrested the attention 
of our most intelligent citizens and com- 
manded their approbation is proved by the 
fact that more than twenty societies now ex- 
ist in Virginia, six of which have been form- 
ed in the past year. At our last annual meet- 
ing we had 38 life members, and 36 annual 
subscribers. Now we have 4.5 life members 
and 110 annual subscribers. In a few days 
another vessel is expected to sail from James 
River with 75 emigrants, to the expense of 
whose outfit this brancli of the society will 
contribute one third." 

The tide of emigration among tlie free ne- 
groes had, during the past year, increased 
into a strong current. Applications so far 
exceeded the means of transportation, that 
the society was cmbarassed in making selec- 
tions. Advantage v/as taken of tliis fact and 
a strong effort was made to divert the cur- 
rent from Liberia to St. Domingo. An agent 
came over from Hayti with tempting offers, 
and succeeded in inducing many respectable 
colored persons to try their fortunes in the 
West Indies. The managers notice this fact 
and saj', "they would not willingly do any 
thing to damp the hopes oi the emigrants to 
Haj'ti ; but they do not think it inappropri- 
ate to make a few suggestions for their con- 
sideration. The emigrant to Hayti will have 
the advantage of an old settled government, 
but on the other hand he will find a strange 
people, speaking another language, and a 
government in whose administration for 
many years he cannot hope to have a voice : 
this government havinp; an established State 
religion new to him. 

In Africa he will find as productive a soil 
and as salubrious a climate — a people s])eak- 
ing the ?ame language, professing the same 
religion, and governed by laws dictated by 
themselves. And then in Liberia they will 
aid in extinguishing the nefarious slave 



The Virginian History of African Coloniznfion. 



15 



liade" The managers also enumerate the 

benefits to the white and tlie black races — 
to America and to Alrica — which are likely 
to flow from the success of Liberia, and sug- 
gest the propriety of applying to the State 
and Fetleral governments for aid. 

■'The Society, (they isay,) only undertook 
io prove from actual experiment, the prnctica- 
hilitij of the enterprise, so that the Govern- 
irieni migiit not squander tljt pul)lic money 
in a chimerical design," N.c. 

It was also determined to rneuiorialize the 
Legislature for aid to the Colonists in the 
form of implements of husbandry, &.C., from 
the Penitentiary. A committee consisting 
of Judge Marshall, Gov. Pleasants, Messrs. 
INIunford, Scott and Rutherford was appoint- 
ed to prepare the memorial. John Tyler 
was requested to present it to the House of 
Delegates. The application was successful. 
The General Assembly, on the 10th of Feb- 
ruary, passed an act appropriating $.500 in 
goods to be estimated at the lowest cash 
price at which such things were sold at the 
Penitentiary Store. 

At a meeting of the managers on the ItJtii 
of December, Messrs. Heatli, Fitzwylson 
and Nicholas were instructed to prepare a 
Report for the next annual meeting, and 
Messrs. Upshur, Scott, Rutherford and Wat- 
kins were requested to deliver addresses. 

The General Meeting was held on the 
16th of January, 1826. 

The Report congratulates the Society upon 
its increasing numbers — on the accession of 
distinguished citizens who have adorned the 
councils and exalted the reputation of the 
country. It institutes a striking comparison 
between the early histories of Virginia and 
Liberia — draws a graphic picture of the de- 
graded condition of our free negroes, and 
represents the benefits to us and to them ol 
their removal to Liberia, and rejoices in the 
prospect of thus extinguishing the " execra- 
ble slave trade" — "that monument of the 
cupidity and cruelt}' of civilized nations." 

Messrs. John Y. Mason, Upshur, Watkins, 
Douthat, Jacksou and other members of the 
Assembly, are requested to take charge of 
the memorial asking^ Le^rislative aid. 

On the 1st of March, under the auspices 
of Mr. Upshur, a bill passed the Legislature 



by a majority of 41, making a donation to 
the colony of $800 in articles manufactured 
at the Penitentiary. Gen. Blackburn, of 
Bath, said in the course of the debate : " I 
would vote tor $5,000. Could I believe, (he 
added,) that a century hence, this little col- 
ony v.'ould resemble one of the small colo- 
nies on the shores of this continent, it would 
cheer my dying hour. This s'.ibject has been 
connected with tlie Missouri question — it has 
nothing to do with it. It has been called an 
Abolition Society with u.< little reason." 

On the -^Oth of January, 1827, the Society 
had its annual meeting. In the Report the 
managers say, •■ Our Society, assailed as it 
has been by opposition, varied according tu 
the local prejudices of its foes, has proceed- 
ed with all the success the most sanguine 
could anticipate. Its views though happily 
conceived and clearly expressed, have heen 
exaggerated or misrepresented. No -argu- 
ment has been fairly opposed to it but its 
impracticability — an ussei-tion refuted by the 
experiment. All other opjjosition seems to 
have arisen I'luni groumlless jealousy or cause- 
le.ss alarm." The Board of Managers met 
as usual for the transaction of business du- 
ring the year. Messrs. Rutherford, Burr ami 
Crane were instructed to prepare a report 
for the next general meeting. Messrs. Ruth- 
erford and Heath were requested to prepare 
a naemorial to the Legislature, and JMessrs. 
R. G. Scott, Thomas Marshal and Edward 
Colston were desired to deliver addresses at 
the next anniversary, which had been ap- 
pointed for the 17th of December, upon 
which occasion Mr. Rutherford presented a 
very able Report from which we can only 
make a few brief extracts. " The fears of 
the timid — the misconceptions and prejudi- 
ces of the ignorant — the misrepresentations 
and denunciations of the determined foes of 
this scheme have all conspired to retard and 
distract the laudable efforts of its patrons. 
Regardless, however of all impediments and 
inditFerent to all reproaches — conscious of 
the purityof our intentions and ti'ustingin the 
protection of a wise and merciiul Providence, 
we have advanced steadily to the consumma- 
tion of our object. The gloomy predictions 
of our opponents have been falsified — the 
tears and prejudices of the well-meanino^, 
but misguided, have been dispelled, while 



16 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



the scoffs and reproaches of malignity have 
been in a measure silenced bj- success." 
"Virginia will not abandon a scheme to 
which she gave the iirst impulse. We can- 
not doubt but that while the policy of her 
laws expels from her territory all emancipa- 
ted slaves, she will do what she can to pro- 
cure them an asylum. Justice and humanity 
require this at her hands, and we cannot be- 
lievn that an appeal to the justice and human- 
ly of Virginia will be made in vain." 

The Hon. John Marshall, John Tyler and 
R. G. Scott, were appointed to represent this 
Society at the approaching anniversary of 
the American Colonization Society at Wash- 
ington. 

Special efforts were made during this year 
to raise funds for the transportation of a lar^-e 
company of emigrants from Richmond. 

The committee to prepare a Report for 
the next general meeting, were instructed to 
consider the expediency of changing this 
Society into a State Society to be composed 
of the present members and of delegates 
from other societies in this State. 

The Rockbridge Auxiliary Society had 
been for several years in active operation. 
At its anniversary of this year it promulged 
the following excellent sentiments in its Re- 
port. The scheme of our society is not a 
new one. When the sages of the Revolu- 
tion directed our affairs, the General Assem- 
bly of Virginia adopted it, and would have 
proceeded with it as the proper business of 
government if they could have procured a 
foreign territory adapted to the purpose. The 
scheme itself is a simple one. It is to le- 
store the free people of color with their own 
\ consent to the land of their forefathers. 
There is to be no meddling with propei ty in 
slaves. The rights of masters are secured 
in the eyes of the society. The tendency of 
the scheme and one of its objects is to se- 
cure slave-holders and the w-hole Southern 
country against certain evil consequences 
growing out of the present threefold mixture 
of our population. If slaveholders should 
choose to liberate their slaves the society 
will take them. Every thing is voluntary. 
We can perceive nothing in these principles 
to alarm the timid or offend the conscien- 
tious. There are many slaveholders who 
have been roMrnined from liberalinsr thoir 



slaves by considerations of humanity and 
policy. The}' do not believe that they would 
be benefitted by manumission here, and it is 
inexpedient to swell the number of the free 
colored people. 

The Society in Powhatan seems to have 
been a very zealous one. Among the docu- 
ments which proceeded from it, was a me- 
morial from which we quote a few paragraphs 
illustrating its conservative tone and its strong 
common sense views. 

Memorial of the Auxiliary Society of Pow- 
hatan county, Va., to the General Assembly 
of Virginia : 

" It has been said that the Society, under 
the specious pretext of removing a vicious 
and noxious population (the free negroes,) is 
secretly undermining the rights of private 
property. This is the objection expressed 
in its full force, and if your memorialists 
could for a moment believe it to be true in 
point of fact, they would never, slaveholders 
as they are, have associated themselves to- 
gether for the purpose of cooperating in this 
work ; and far less would they have appear- 
ed as memorialists before the Legislative bo- 
dies of a slaveholding State. And if any 
instance could now be adduced in which the 
Society has ever manifested an intention to 
depart from the avowed object for which it 
was originally instituted, none would more 
willingly and reacHly withdrav/ from it their 
confidence and support. But from the time 
of its formation to the present lime, all its 
operations have been directed exclusively to 
the promotion of its one grand object namely 
the colonization in Africa of the free people 
of color. It has always protested, and 
through us it again protests, that ii has no 
wish to interfere with the delicate and im- 
portant subject of slavery. // hns never in a. 
solitary mstance addressed itself to the slave. 
It has never sought to invade the tranquilli- 
ty of the domestic circle, nor the peace and 
safety of societ}-. It would regard the inter- 
ference of Congress on this subject as uncon- 
stitutional, and as a flagrant usur])ation of the 
rights of the slave-holding States. There is 
no occasion therefore why the people of 
Virginia should be hostile towards the Soci- 
ety, since it has so often and so solemnly 
disclaimed all intention of intermeddling 
either directly oi- inflirectl}' with the private 



The Virginian History of Jifrican Colonization. 



property of individuals, and since no instance 
of departure from its original design has-- 
• ver occurred. 

In connection with this subject, we beg 
leave to mention, that the General Assembl}^ 
of Virginia, in 1805, pas^sed an act forbid- 
ding emancipated slaves to remain within the 
commonwealth longer than 12 months, un- 
der pain of forfeiting their freedom- This 
law, odious os it may appear at first view, 
wa.s doubtless dictated by sound poHcy, and 
the friends of colonization would deprecate 
its repeal. It has restrained many masters 
from freeing their slaves, and thus contribu- 
ted to check the growth of an evil already 
too orreat. Some overlooking: all considera- 
tious of policy and prudence, and yielding 
-inly to the strong impulse of their own feel- 
•ngs, do not hesitate to turn loose their slaves 
upon society, who generally in a short time 
become a burden to themselves and a nui- 
sance to all around them. But in denying 
these people a residence in Virginia, the 
General Assembly provided no asylum else- 
where, and hence it has come to pass that 
petitions after petitions are annually presen- 
ted to the Legislature. The rejection of 
these petitions (except in extraordinary ca- 
ses) has led to notorious evasions of the law 
above referred to. Now the Colonization 
Society comes seasonably in aid of this abuse, 
by opening on the coast of Africa a safe and 
hospitable asylum to which maybe removed 
not only such persons of color as are born 
free, but such as may be made free by the 
act of their owners. The consequence will 
be that the man who may desire from what- 
"ver motive to give freedom to his slaves, 
instead of casting them unfriended and pen- 
niless upon the community as was often the 
case formerly, will send them to Liberia at 
•jnce blessing themselves and our own coun- 
try. And when the advantages of this scheme 
shall be more fully developed, the act of 
1805 will cease to be evaded. The General 
Assembly will no longer be annoyed with 
petitions from free people, and mamimission 
cease to be what it now is, an injury to ike 
slave and a curse to the country. Signed in 
behalf of the society. 

JAMES CLARKE. Pres. 
John B. T^sly, Sec, 



CHAPTER IV. 



The Richmond and Manchester auxiliary 
changed into an Independent State Society , 
called the Colonization Society of Virginia, 
and new constitution adopted, S)C. 

At a meeting of the Richmond and Man- 
cester Society auxiliary to the American 
Colonization Society, held in the hall of the 
House of Delegates, on the 1.5th of Decem- 
ber, 1828, Judge MarshaU having taken tlu^ 
ch.iir, J. H. Eustace was appfointod secreta- 
ry. R. G. Scott, on the part of the Board 
of Managers, read the Annual Report, f^lv- 
iiig an encouraging account of the opera- 
lions arid present state of the Society which 
had contributed $816 10 to the cause of the 
Parent Society during the preceding year. — 
The Report represents that by the diffusion 
of correct information, the public mind had 
been in a great measure disabused as to the 
real objects of the Society, and the clouds 
of prejudice were passing nvvay. 

Tiie managers take leave to suggest lo tiif- 
meeting, that they are of opinion, the clit^nge 
of this Society into a State Society, c-r tb.e 
creation of a State Society, to which the 
other Societies in the State should be atrxiii- 
ury, and annually send delegates, would be 
atteufitd wiih very beneficial cfiTect^v. The^ 
therefore earnestly recommend this rpeasurt. 

The deep interest which Virginia has \v. 
the success of tiiis Society, and the favora- 
ble expression of her opinioiis hereiofore oi: 
the subject, induce the Managers to recouj- 
mend that an applicaiioji should be mads to 
the present General Assembly for Turther 
aid. Nor can the Managers doubt of the 
success of the application, when the objects 
and views of the Society are properly under- 
stood and v.'iien it is recollected, that the 
laws of Virginia forbid emancipation ; but 
upon condition thai the emancipated slave 
shall remove, except in rare cases. Is it nor 
just then, that the means of removal should 
be facilitated and afforded? To Virginia an 
appeal of justice has never been made in 
vaiis ; and when sustained by philanthropy, 
humanity and policy, we are not permitted 
to doubt of its success- 



The Virginian History of ^ifrican Colonization. 



On motion of Mr. Rutlierfoord, the follow- 
ing resolution u.Ts ndopted : 

f\cso/vc(/, Tlinl the nienibers of the Leg- 
islature and all others present, who may be 
nirmbprs of anv Colonization Society, or 
disposed to favor the general objects thereof, 
be, and they are hereby invited, to partici- 
pate ill the (jplibcrations of this meeting. 

Mr. .lohi) F. May, of Petersburg, present- 
ed to the meeting the following resolution of 

ilie Pefersl)urg Auxiliary Colonization Soci- 
ety : 

At the annual luceling of the Petersburg 
x\iixiliary Colonization Society, the follow- 
ing resolution was unanimously adopted: 

Resolced, That this Society respectfully 
suggest to the Richmond and IManchester 
Society, whether great advantages would not 
result from the reorganization of that Socie- 
ty on the plan of a State Society, and that 
A^ice President John F. May, bo requested to 
attend that meeting, and communicate to it 
his resolution. 

Whereupon, uu motion of Mr. Rutlier- 
foord, seconded by Mr. Wm. H. Filzhugh of 
Fairfax, the following preamble and resolu- 
tion were adopted : 

Whereas, it is represented to the present 
meeting, that the great object which induced 
the establishment of this and the other So- 
cieties in Virginia, auxiliar}' to the Ameri- 
can Colonization Society, would be more 
clTectually advanced throughout this Com- 
monwealth by an Auxiliary State Society, to 
be composed of a parent institution in this 
city, and such auxiliaries thereto, a.-- may 
hereafter be formed : 

Be it therefore, resolved, 'I'hal a committee 
he appointed to amend the constitution of 
this Society, and that the same >hall hereaf- 
ter be called " The Coloni/.aliou Society of 
Virginia.' 

A Conimilt'^e was accurdingly aj)poiutfd, 
who presenieii to the meeting a Constitution 
Hinended as ;itbre.-^aid, which being consider- 
ed, was appro\ed and adopted as the ( "on- 
-titulion of the Odoiiizatinii Sncie-iv of Vir- 
innia, a,«. follow?, to w il : 



CONSTITUTION OF THE COLONIZATION SOCIE- 
TY OF VIRGINIA. 

Art. lot. The Society shall be denonunal- 
ed the Colonization Society of Virginia. 

Art. 2d. Any person who shall contribute 
two dollars annually to the funds of the So- 
ciety, shall be a member, •nid the payment 
at any one time of not less than ten dollars, 
shall constitute membership for life. 

Art. .3d. The officers of this Society shall 
be a President, twelve Vice-Presidents, a Re- 
cording Secretary, a Corresponding Secre- 
tary, and a Treasurer, who with twelve other 
members, shall compose a Board of INIana- 
gers. They shall be elected annually, and 
shall be competent to fill any vacancies which 
may occur in the Board from resignation or 
otherwise. Five members shall constitute a 
quorum for business. 

Art. 4th. Every Society within the Slate, 
which shall become auxiliary to this Society, 
shall be entitled to send three representa- 
tives to attend and vote at all the meetings 
o[' the Society. 

Art. 5th. The Ofhcers of this Society not 
resident in Richmond, and the Secretaries of 
Societies auxiliary to this, sliall be ex officio 
correspondents thereof, and the Board of 
Managers shall, as soon as practicable, and 
annually thereafter, appoint one or more ad- 
ditional correspondents in eveiy county and 
corporation in the Commonwealth. It shall 
be the duty ol' the correspondents to com- 
municate to the Corresponding Secretary 
from time to time, any information calculated 
to promote the interests of the Society. 

Art. olh. Annual meetings of the Society 
shall hi held in Richmond, at such time du- 
ring the session of the Legislature, as the 
Managers may appoint. 

Art. 7th. This Constitution may be altered 
only at a regular meeting, and by a vote of 
two-thirds of the members present. 

On motion of Mr. l>urr, (in pursuance of 
the recommendation of the Board of Mana- 
gers) it was Resolved, That in conlbrmity 
with the rccommetidation of tjie Annual 
liepdrt. 111 ajiply to tlie (icnera! Assembly at 
this s('s>i(»ii fur :ii(l. ihf iMaiKigers be in- 
structed to prt'pcuf Liiul pie-^ent a ^fi•mori:ll 
for that puriiose. 



The Vtrginirui Histonj of Jlfrican Colonizalion. 



19 



The Society tlien proceeded to the appoint-] the peace of the country and the prosperity 
mciit of othcors for the riisuiii- year, when | of the Colonization Society of Virginia. Up 
the followii)- i:onllrnuM. u r-ir- dulv oleclcd, | to this point the cause had been (luietly and 
i^^^^.j^. " " ! gradually working its way to public tavor, 

John Marshall, Prcsidciil ; .lame.'? Madi- 
son, Janie; 
Tyler, Willi 

Gen. Briscoe G.Baldwin, Philip Doddrigc, ^,^^ ^^^^^^ ^^.^^ suddenly changed. As a 
Huffh Nelson, Gen. Win. H. Broadnax, 



and would have probably soon become the 



...K...V..., . ,c.<,.,.. .. .^. , established policy of the State. But incen- 

.sMonroo, James 1 casans, ^^^ \ ^^-^^ ^^^ ^,^ ,^ Uirow fire-brands into 
dham H. iMtzhugh, John I. May, ! ^^^^ ^^^^^^^^ ^^,. ^^^^. .^^ community, and 



William Maxwell 
Vice P)-es-idcnis. 

Benjamin Brand, TrrcM'rc. 

William Barret, SccreUtry: 



\ Dr. Thomas ATa?!sie, 



strong indication of public !«cnturient, we 
ask attention to the following able report of 
■A committee of tlm General Assembly of 
Virginia. It is a thorough and able exi)osi- 
tion of the prmciples, purposes, history and 



John ButliPifoord, Corrcsjioiv/in>: 'V'^w- ; ^j.^gp^j-t^ y|- ^\^^, Colonization Society. 



lury 



The history of the subject does not fur- 



And Wm. H. Fit/.uhylson, Robert G. j nish a more comprehensive and statesman- 
Scott, Hall Ncilson, John fl. Eustace, Jas. j like discussion than does this report. 
Blair, William Crane, David I. Burr. Jas. E. On the 28th of December 18-28, iNIr. John 
Heath, Nicholas Mills, James Caskie, Thomas F. May presented a petition from the Colo- 
C. Howard and Fleming James, r/.? oMe/- nization Society of Petersburg, and Col. John 
ManaiTcrs. \ Kutherfoord presented one from the Coloni- 



Resolved, That .500 copies of the Report, 
together with the Constitution and Proceed- 
ings of the Meeting, be printed in pamphlet 
form, and that a copy thereof be forwarded 
to all the oHicer 
Society. 

Resolved, That the Editors in the city be 
requested to publish the proceedings ol" this 
meeting in their respective papers. 

Ami then the Society adjourned. 

JOHN H. EUSTACE. 

Secretary, i)ro tem. 



zation Society of Virginia, asking legislative 
aid to promote the views of the Society in 
colonizing the free people of color. These pe- 
titions were, withone from the Powliatan So- 
iml correspondents of the K^'-ety now referred .ui motion of Mr. May, to 

a select committee --to examine the matter 
thereof, and report their opinion to the House 
of Delegates. The committee consisted of 
John F. May, John Rutherfoord, Wm. M. 
Rives, Wm. H. Fitzhugh, Philip Doddridge 
and Messrs. White, Brown, Nelson. Boyd, 
Anderson and Tyler. The rejwrt wa- a> 
follows : 



The Colonization Society ol' Virginia now 
commences its career as an independent 
State organization. It is no longer the Ame- 
rican Colonization Society. The Virginia 
society is more distinct from and independent 
of the American Society than the State of 
Virginia is of the United States of America. 

The design of this new organization was 
to make Richmond instead of Washington 
the centre of operations in Virginia. There 
was a growing jealousy in the South of all 
interference with any question touching the 
colored race by any person or association, 
without the territory of Virginia, and not 
identified in principles, interest and sympa- 
thy with our people. The wisdom of this 
conclusion was soon made clear by the dis- 
astrous influence of Northern ag,itatioii upon 



Report of Ike Coiiuaiilcc to v^liom v^trc if er- 
red the Memorials and PetUions of ike So- 
cieties auxilicri/ to tlir .'hiirricoii Cnlomza- 
iion Society. 

The committee to whom were referred the 
several memorials and petitions from the So- 
cieties auxiliary to the American Coloniza- 
tion Society, have, according to order, had 
the same under consideration, and having 
given to the subject that attentive reflection 
which its importance, and connection with 
the best interests of the Commonwealth de- 
mand, have come to the following report ami 
resolutions thereupon : 

The evils resulting from the condition ol 
the free coloured population amongst us, earlv 
aroused the anxiety, and attracted the atten- 



20 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



tion of our predecessors in the administra- 
tion of this government. Resolutions at sun- 
dry time passed both branches of the Legis- 
lature, in secret session, to which your com- 
mittee cannot more particularly allude, as 
the injunction of secrecy has never been re- 
moved. In pursuance of these resolutions, 
however, Mr. Monroe in 1801, being then 
Governor of Virginia, entered into a corres- 
pondence with Mr. Jefferson, the President 
of tjje United States, consulting him on the 
means of procuring an asylum beyond the 
limits of the United States, to which that 
description of our population could be sent. 
In consequence of this correspondence, and 
the approval by the Legislature, at its subse- 
quent session, of the plan suggested by Mr. 
Jefferson, instructions were given to our Min- 
ister in London, to endeavour to make some 
arrangement with the Sierra Leone Compa- 
ny, by which they should receive such of 
our free coloured population as might be col- 
onized there. All of this was in accordance 
with the secret resolutions of the Lesislature, 
at its session of 1800, as is ascertained by a 
letter from Mr. Jefferson, giving an account 
of these transactions, annexed to a report 
made in the House of Representatives of the 
United States, March 3, 1827. Difficulties 
arising in the negotiation, and our ov,-n poli- 
tical relations assuming a threatening char- 
acter, the subject was dropped for a time, 
but was again resumed by the Legislature, 
lit its session of 1816-17, when peace was 
restored to the world, and o resolution passed 
almost unanimously, in the following words : 
•' Whereas the General Assembly of Virgi- 
nia, have repeatedly sought to obtain an 
asylum, beyond the limits of the United 
States, for such persons of colour as had been 
or might be emancipated, under the laws of 
this Commonwealth, but have hitherto found 
all their efforts frustrated, either by the dis- 
turbed state of other nations, or domestic 
causes equally unpropilious to its success : 

.''They now avail themselves of a period 
when peace has^healed the wounds of hu- 
manity, and the principal nations of Europe 
have concurred with the Government of the 
United States, in abolishing the African 
Slave Trade, (a trafHc which this Common- 
wealth, both before and since the revolution, 
zealously sought to terminate) to renew this 



effort, and do therefore resolve, that tae Ex- 
ecutive be requested to correspond vvith the 
President of the United States, for the pur- 
pose of obtaining a territory on the coast of 
Africa, or some other place, not within any 
of the States, or Territorial Government of 
the United States, to serve as an asylum for 
such persons of color as are now free, and 
may desire the same, and for those who may 
be hereafter emancipated within this Com- 
monwealth ; and that the Senators and Rep- 
resentatives of this State in the Congress of 
the United States be requested to exert their 
best efforts, to aid the President of the Uni- 
ted States in the attainment of the above ob- 
ject : provided that no contract or arrange- 
ment respecting such territory shall be obli- 
gatory on this Commonwenlth. until ratified 
by the Legislature." 

This resolution indicated, in the opinion of 
your committee, a fixed determination on the 
part of Virginia to undertake, and carry into 
effect this great scheme, even with her own 
unassisted means ; and they think it proba- 
ble, a reliance, not only on the great moral 
influence of a Commonwealth so deeply in- 
terested in this question, but also on her pe- 
cuniary aid, mny have had considerable in- 
fluence in fouufi'ing the American Coloniza- 
tion Society, At all events, the formation 
of this Socicfj , soon after the passage of the 
above resolution, having precisely the objects 
indicated by the Legislature, viz : the colo- 
nizing, with their own consent, the free peo- 
ple of colour on tlie coast of Africa; your 
committee cannot but consider, an event high- 
ly propitious to the views of the Legislature. 
Many difficulties must necessarily have oc- 
curred in any attempt to execute this design 
by Virginia alone, fn the first place, if left 
to her public means, without any organized 
plan for eliciting private benevolence, pecu- 
niary embarrassments might have enfeebled 
our exertions and frustrated the design, by 
withdrawing the necessar}'- means in timf. 
of public difficult}^ Secondly, had she been 
successful, each State might have had its 
Colony, which would necessarily have resul- 
ted in the extreme weakness of some, and 
probably in an unhappy jealousy and rivalry, 
which would have endangered all- Thirdly, 



The Virginian History of African Colonization, 



n 



had the Colony been undertaken by the 
State in b.-^r sovereign character, it must 
have been treated as herpossession, support- 
ed and defended by her, and subjected to all 
her relations of^peace and war : such a de- 
pendency upon one only of twenty-four as- 
sociated sovereignties, possessing individu- 
all}"^ no power to hold diplomatic relations 
with any power, no right of maintaining any 
separate naval or military force, in line 
having no national existence as it regards for- 
eign nations, would not only have presented 
a curious anomaly in our political system, 
but probably have met with insuperable dif- 
ficulties in the execution. 

The formation of the Society, by concen- 
trating the e.iertions of the humane through- 
out the Union, to which may be added at 
pleasure, the munificence of the States, and 
by directing emigration to a single point, has 
obviated the two first objections. As to the 
third, tlie Colony not being subjected to the 
sovereignty either of a State, or of the Union, 
ought not to be subjected to our relations of 
peace and war ; audit is confidently believed, 
that nothing is wanting to secure its entire 
neutrality in any conflict w'e may hereafter 
have with a foreign power, but an under- 
standing of its true condition. It is believed, 
that nothing but effectual aid on the part of 
this Government is wanting, to enable the 
Society to fulfil all the humane, as well as 
political views of Virginia, on this interest- 
ing subject. 

Convinced of a coincidence in views be- 
tween ihe Legislature and the Societ}-, your 
committee next turned their attention, with 
much anxiety, towards its operations, its 
present condition, and its future prospects, 
to discover in these the evidences of it? ca- 
pacity to fulfil its design?. 

They find, that but eleven years have 
elapsed since its formation ; that a want of 
acquaintance with the actual condition of 
Africn. was then almost universal ; that the 
Society had to commence its operations by 
obtaining accurate information of the coun- 
try to be colonized ; at a time when the anx- 
ious, impatient expectatiouH of its friends, 
compelled it to do something towards the at- 
tainment of its objects, even before the 
knowledge necessary to prevent misfortune 



could be acquired. It is not surprising, there- 
fore, that untoward events threw a tempora- 
ry cloud over its commencement. Since 
then, a better knowledge of the country has 
enabled them to procure a territory health- 
ful, fertile, and sufficiently extensive for all 
ths purposes of such an asylum as has been 
contemplated by Virginia. Fortifications 
have been erected, a town actually built, 
plantations opened, many public works com- 
pleted, and such a number of Colonists seat- 
ed there, as in the opinion of our committee 
dissipates all speculation as to the practica- 
bility of their plans. They are also con- 
vinced, that the Society have conducted 
their operations with so much prudence, as 
to sive no cause of alarm to the holders of 
slaves, for the security of this property. 

Your committee have next turned their at- 
tention to the internal condition of the Col- 
ony, to discover what hope it affords of im- 
proving the condition of that part of our pop- 
ulation, proverbially degraded at home, upon 
whom it is intended to operate, could they 
be induced to embrace the humane views of 
the Society, and the Legislature. The first 
object of their inquiry, as most interesting to 
human enjoyment, was the health of the 
Colonists, and although from the mortality 
which has prevailed amongst the whites em- 
ployed in this great undertaking, they are 
convinced the climate is peculiarly inimical 
to them, yet, since their removal to the 
present situation, the health of the blacks is 
believed to have been as good as is usually 
enjoyed by other Colonists, Persons remo- 
ving from a cold, or temperate, to a tropical 
climate, must expect some sickness before 
they become acclimated, but your committee. 
find here, the most humane and salutary ar- 
rangements, to lessen the danger and suffer- 
ing incident to this change. Large and 
comfortable receptacles for new Colonist.^ 
have been provided, where the constant at- 
tendance of a person skilled by long experi- 
ence in the treatment of this disease, with 
all the medicines and comforts necessary to 
their condition, are furnished the Colonist? 
upon their arrival, until they pass this peri- 
od ; such has been the success of this treat- 
ment, that amongst the last Colonists from 
Virginia, a mortality not exceeding three per 
cent, has occurred, and that falling exciu- 



22 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



.sively upon very 3^oung children or ^very 
aged persons. Wlien this season of trial has 
passed, the health enjoj^ed by the (Colonists 
is believed, from the reports of the agent and 
from other sources of information, not to lie 
surpassed by tlie same population any where. 
When your committee compare the suffer- 
ings of the Colonists at Liberia, with those 
encountered in the iiist attempts to plant 
this great nation, they see abundant cause ol 
gratitude to Divine Providence, rather than 
despondency. The (irst three attempts to 
colonize Virginia, entirely failed, and the 
Colonists perished almost to a man. The 
first permanent settlement was made at 
Jamestown in May, 1607, and consisted of 
about 100 persons : in the course of the year, 
they were reduced to 38 ; they were rein- 
forced by the arrival of 120 persons, v>ith 
provisions and instruments of husbandry. 
Great exertions were made by the proprie- 
tors to sustain this Colony, and in 1609, 500 
emigrants arrived, yet in May, 1610, it con- 
sisted of but 60 persons. Fresh supplies of 
men and provisions were sent from England, 
and large sums of mone}' expended in furth- 
erance of the object, and yet in 1624, seven- 
teen years after the foundation of the Colo- 
ny, when the charter was vacated, the Colo- 
ny consisted of but 1800 souls; although 
more than 9000 persons had been sent hith- 
er from England ; and a sum exceeding 1.50, 
000/. (666,000 dollars) had been expended in 
the pursuit. Your committee will not con- 
sume the time of the House in detailing the 
disasters of New England, but will compare 
with this history of our Commonwealth, a 
view of the African Colony. There have 
been expended by the Society about $70,000. 
There have been transported from the Uni- 
ted States in their vessels about 1000 Colo- 
nists. To these must be added about 160 
re-captured Africans, sent back by the Gov- 
ernment of the United States, who settled in 
the Colony, 17o natives rescued from slavers 
by the Colonists, and about 50 native chil- 
dren going to school in the Colony, making 
about 1385 souls. From the latest informa- 
tion your committee can receive, when those 
who are Jiow on their way, and who are in- 
chuled in the number stated above, to have 
been sent out by the Society, shall have ar- 
rived, in eleven vears from the foiniution of 



the Society, and six from the permanent lo- 
cation of the Colony, their population will 
consist of 1343* souls. Your committe are 
therefore iiy no meanti dissatisfied with the 
prospects of health to the Colonists. 

This important point ascertained, your 
committee next turned their inquiries towards 
the security of the Colonists trom hostile at- 
tacks. They Jind that in its infancy, when 
the military means of the Colony were at 
their lowest, and their defences incomplete, 
two combined attacks were made upon it, by 
the native tribes, which w^ere repelled with 
great spirit. Since then, their numbers have 
incrc'iised ten fold, their fortifications have 
been completed, their militia organized and 
disciplined, and provided as they are with 
the means, have on several occasions shown 
themselves not wa!iting in the Avill, nor the 
power to defend themselves. There is, too, 
ample evidence that the natives are pacific, 
that the moral influence of the Colony is 
rapidly increasing over them, and that the 
ties of mutual benefits, and commercial in- 
tercourse, have left among them but little in- 
clination to disturb those relations of peace 
which have been established with their now- 
powerful neighbor, even should they forget 
the lesson taught them, by its stern resis- 
tance in inl'ancy. The power of the Colony 
itself; the presence of ships of war contin- 
ually hovering in those seas to suppress the 
slave trade ; and of commercial vesssels tra- 
iling to that coast, afford ample security in 
the opinion of your committee against pirat- 
ical attacks. 

With regard to territory, a large extent, 
embracin"; several navigable creeks and 
rivers, has been obtained, which is capable 
of producing corn, guinea corn, millet, rice, 
cotton, sugar, coffee, with other valuable pro- 
ducts, and of sustaining horses, cattle, hogs, 
goats, sheep, and other useful animals, equal 
to the demands of a large population ; and 
no doubt this may be extended as their wants 
may require it. The commerce of the Col- 
ony has increased to an importance which 
will surprise those who have never inquired 
into 1li(^ 'ubject : only two circnmstances 

" 'I'iif liiiiiiber siiiied in Mr'. (■"iiiIi^n '.-i Iriiri, iui.l |ailj 
iislied ill llif- Jke|iuit, wu-; i'SA'-',. We have vtiiluicd to 
euiTect I lie vwiiw- [biditor. 



The Virginian Histonj of African Colonization. 



23 



evincing whicli will be mentioned. From] tablished, and by law all the children arere- 
the reports of the Agent, Mr. Ashmun, who quired to be educated. The effect, as the 
yoiu- committee take pleasure in saying, ap- Agent reports, is, that there is no instance of 



pears to be a highly intelligent, dispassion 
ate, zealous, and pious man, it appears, the 
exports of the Colony for six months, from 
the 1st of January, to the 1.0th of June, 1826, 
;uTiounted, in value, to $43,980, upon which 
a profit was realized to the Colonists, of $21, 
990. In the month of July of the same 
year, a cargo of goods, worth $11,000, ar- 
rived at Liberia from Portland, wliich was 
sold and wholly paid for in ten days, the 
regulations of the Colony prohibiting, under 
pain of forfeiture, any imported goods being 
sold on credit. The result of this state of 
prosperity is, that every description of la 
hour is well paid, and a poor Colonist arri- 
ving Avithout money or any trade, can for his 
ordinary daily labour, command from 7.5 to 
12.5 cents per day, whilst those who have 
good trades, receive $2. As a further evi- 
dence of this propriety, the Agent mentions 
the fact, that of the 142 re-captured Afri- 
cans who arrived in August last, all had ob- 
tained, within seven days, such wages and 
employment in the Colony, as no longer to 
be a charge upon the Government. Not- 
withstanding these evidences of prosperity, 
the Legislature will perhaps be surprised^ to 
hear, that your committee have good reason 
to believe, that several of the Colonists have 
acquired fortunes of from five to ten thou- 
sand dollars each. 

Satisfied on these imporlant points, ^our 
committee next directed its inquiries to the 
political and moral state of the Colon}-, to 
discover if they were such as tt) promise a 
complete development of these physical ad- 
vantages, and find, from the annual reports 
of the Society, and the accounts received 
from the Agent, that a form of Covernnient 
has been adopted, with which tlie ])cop!eare 
perfectly content, which extends to lliem 
perfect ecjualily of rights and M'ciirity ol 
properity, and in which tliey ha\(' ;i> large 
a partici|)atioii a 



a child five years old, unless it be some late 
emigrant, who cannot read : and how great- 
ly the Colonists themselves appreciate this 
blessing, will be felt, when it is known they 
contribute $1,400 yearly, to support the sys- 
tem. Indeed, your committee have the au- 
thority of the Colonists themselves, in a late 
impressive address to the free persons of col- 
our in the United States, for saying, that 
such is tlie equity with which the Govern- 
ment has been administered by the Colonial 
officers, such the liberty and equality of 
rights which prevails among them, such the 
effect of removing them from that continu- 
ally depressing sense of inferiority, to which 
they have heretofore been exposed ; that 
perhaps there exists no where a happier, or 
more contented community. From the re- 
ports of the Agent, your committee feel jus- 
tified in reportmg too, a high stale of morals 
in the Colony. Churches have been erec- 
ted ; sobriety, industry and good order pre- 
vail ; and the fact is developed, that even 
this degraded population needs only th.e or- 
dinary motives and incitements to exertion, 
to elevate their characters far above any 
moral worth we liave been accustomed to as- 
sign to i(. 

From tiiis review of the history, present 
condition, and future prospects of the Col- 
ony, your committee can feel no hesitation 
in earnestly recommending it to the free peo- 
ple of colour in Virginia, as a proper asylum 
for them and their children: and as holding 
forth to them, a fair pros})ect of that wealth, 
resijectability and moral improvement, v/hich 
in the I'nited Stales thev can never attain. 
They feel assured that no motives of policy 
could induce Iheni lo give this recommenda- 
tioji, did they not t)elie\(i true, feelings of 
])hilanthropy and Ijenevoleiice towards that 
species of our poj)iiIaliun, supported them \\\ 
(•unq)alil.l<- witli llieirjif^ -piipy ■j,,r^\n most -olemnly re[>eat to the 
l.reseni cDndition. 'V\\v Socicly will tloiibt- |Yc(- (-(jloured |.c(.plc ut' \'irginia their belief, 
less extend this p-.irlicipatlMii. -.i- ihf < 'okj-. jj);,( Jn AiVic;! .iloiic can Ihcv (■njt>y thai com- 
nists beciiim' (|iialiHc([ tu fverci-c; new [tris i-j |j1c|(' cinaufipatin;! Iroiii u degrading etpiali- 
Icges, ami bv a wise .system (if instructiou Ity, which in a gieater oi- less degree per- 
ai-e prejiarinvc them toi' il. Schools are es- vades the I'liilcMl Stale-, if not in the laws, 



24 



Tht Virginian History of African Colonization. 



in the whole frame and structure of society 
and which in its effects on their moral and 
social state is scarcely less degrading than 
slavery itself. In Africa, there is a reason- 
able prospect of health, security for life and 
property, perfect equality of condition, a 
government, in the rights and benefits of 
which all participate, and ample means of 
acquiring by industry, independence, com- 
fort, and even wealth. 

Fully convinced of the benefits likefy to 
accrue to our free coloured population from 
emigration to this Colony, your committee 
have next inquired into the motives of poli- 
cy which should induce this Legislature to 
extend such pecuniary aid to this Society, 
as would enable them to transport those who 
may be disposed to go, and to hold out 
such motives as will be decisive with this 
population to remove thither. The evils re- 
sulting to us from their remaining here are 
but too well known, and us policy compels us 
to place impediments in the way of gratify- 
ing those feelings which often prompt to the 
emancipation of faithful slaves, humayiity 
would require us to furnish some asylurn to 
which they may be sent, with benefits to 
themselves, and gratification to their benevo- 
lent owners. The prevalence of the free col- 
oured population amongst us, has compelled 
the Legislature to engraft on its Criminal 
Code, provisions of peculiar harshness in re- 
lation to them, inconsistent with the general 
mild spirit of our laws ; and the expense of 
these criminal prosecutions, forms no small 
item ip our general expenditure. Your com- 
mittee think also, that as part of a system 
of poor laws, a small sum annually applied 
to their transportation, would be both hu- 
mane and politic. Great Britian, and per- 
haps other European nations, are seeking re- 
lief from the burden of their poor, by trans- 
porting at public expense, a portion of those 
incapable of obtaining subsistence at home, 
to other regions where it is more easily pro- 
cured ; and the same policy may be advan- 
tageous to us. with regard to unquestionably 
the most degraded part of our population, 
who can never amalo:araate with the preat 
body of the nation. The number of free 
negroes in Virginia, was, at the last census, 
about 80,000 ; the average increase may be 
set down at 3^- per cent, amounting to about 



1 820. The whole cost of subsistence and 
j transportation to the Colony is $30, which 
would make the cost of transporting the 
whole increase of this population, about 
$25,000 per anum. The situation of the 
Colony, however, renders so large an acces- 
sion to their population at present, by no 
means desirable, and your committee believe 
a well concerted combination of public mu- 
nificence, with private benevolence, united 
with a moderate tax on this species of popu- 
lation, to be applied exclusive to the aid of 
such as are willing to emigrate, would abun- 
dantly supply all the means that could now 
be prudently or beneficially used by the So- 
ciety. The adoption of this plan is there- 
fore earnestly recommended, as likel}' to con- 
tribute not only to the general, but really to 
the pecuniary interests of the Common- 
wealth. 

There j:> unt; other circumstance to which 
your committee will advert, as connected 
with the policy of this measure. Any new 
avenue for our productions, must be greatly 
desirable, in the present embarrassed stalf 
of our commerce. Many of these Colonists 
going from the South, will carry with them 
many of our habits and wants. Their exten- 
ded means of gratifying these will produce 
an increased demand for our products. Their 
trade with the interior, which is rapidly ex- 
tending, promises to open some market, par- 
ticularly for our tobacco. Several small ship- 
ments of this article, and of flour, have al- 
ready been made by citizens of Richmond, 
for which profitable returns have been made. 
By the last commercial regulations of Great 
Britain, the direct intercourse in our own 
vessels, from the United States to their Col- 
ony of Sierra Leone, is prohibited, whilst the 
vessels of Liberia would have iree. access 
there. The growtli of the Colony then 
would not only create a great demand fo) 
nail?; iron, lumber and building materials foj- 
themselves, but would afford the means of 
continuing a commerce with Sierra Leone, 
which must otherwise be lost. The return? 
for these cargoes "would be gold dust, ivory, 
cam wood, palrn oil, beeswax, and dye stuffs, 
derived from the trade with the natives, and 
at no distant day sucrar, coffee and tropical 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



25 



fruits in abundance, the production of the 
Colony itself 

In every light tlien in which your commit- 
tee can view this subject, they think it enti- 
tled to the aid of this Legislature. They 
feel a pride in connecting Virginia with the 
very foundation of this great scheme of phi- 
lanthropy, and see nothing in its progress to 
alarm, but much to elevate their hopes, not 
only of its ultimate success, but of its future 
benefits. In these views they are strength- 
ened by the increased contributions tlie So- 
ciety has received from a benevolent public, 
and the increased importance thus given to 
its operations. During the last year 533 new 
colonists have been sent out ; 391 at the ex- 
pense of the Society ; the residue, consisting 
of re-captured Africans, transported at the 
expense of the United States. Nothing 
therefore but increased means, seems neces- 
sary, to give increased usefulness to their 
operations, and your committee beg leave to 
report the following resolutions : 

1. Resolved, That it is expedient to appro- 
[iriatc a small sum annually in aid of the 
Society for Colonizing the Free People of 
Colour on the Coast of Africa. 

2. Resolved, That it is expedient to provide 
by law for a moderate tax on the free people 
of colour in tlie State of Virginia, to be ap- 
plied in aid of such as are willing to emi- 
grate to Liberia, from this Commonwealth. 

For reasons w^hich will be disclosed in the 
next chapter, nearly three years elapsed be- 
fore the Colonization Society of Virginia had 
another meeting. This wc regard as a for- 
tunate circumstance, as it shows the wisdom 
and prudence with which it was conducted 
and entirely frees it from the suspicion of 
having been accessary to the tragical events 
of 1831. It is true tliat the auxiliaries at 
Alexandria, Lynchburg, Staunton, Frede- 
ricksburg, Charlottesville and perhaps at 
some other points were still in operation. 
But such records of their proceedings as 
were published, breathe such a conservative 
tone as to place their managers high above 
the imputation of contributing in any degree 
to the exciting of a spirit of discontent and 
insubo/dination among the colored people. 
Amonj^ the admirable addresses which were 
made before these auxiliaries, we have read 
with much pleasure those of Met-srs. Har- 



rison, Rives, Toler and Mosby of Lynch- 
burg — of Messrs. Marye and Blackford at 
Fredericksburg, — of Bishop Meade of Fred- 
eric and the Rev. Andrew Broaddus of King 
William. 

The fourth anniversary of the Lynchburg 
Society was celebrated on the 1st of August 
1829, and a very appropriate address made 
by VVm. M. Rives, Esq. The report notices 
the valuable co-operation of this Auxiliary 
in the work of Colonization. 

The fifth annual meeting of the Alexan- 
dria Society was held in St. Paul's church 
on the 14th of April, 1831. Addresses were 
made by the Rev. Messrs. Harrison, Walton 
and Cornelius, and by Mr. Woart. The re- 
port speaks in very encouraging terms of the 
progress of public sentiment and of the mul- 
tiplication of Auxiliary Societies. 

The sixth annual meeting of the Augusta 
Society was celebrated on the 23d of May, 
1831. The report speaks in touching terms 
of the sudden death of the Hon. Daniel Shef- 
fey, and bewails the loss it has sustained by 
an event depriving their society of one of its 
earliest and warmest friends and most effi- 
cient officers. 

The proceedings oi these auxiliaries were 
in entire harmony with the policy of the 
Colonization Society as declared in its fun- 
nauiental law, viz : the removal to Liberia of 
tlie free negroes, and of such other persons 
as masters acting spontaneously might choose 
to emancipate. While some of the speakers 
indulged in the hope that in tlie distant fu- 
ture slavery might be gradually extinguished, 
they all agree in protesting most vehemently 
against any purpose of interfering in the 
question of our domestic institutions. As an 
example of their general tenor upon this 
topic, Charle's L. Mosby in a speech before 
the Lynchburg Society in the summer of 
1831, used the following strong language — 
" Equally absurd and false is the allegation 
that this society seeks to disturb the rights 
of property and to interfere with the well 
established relation between master and 
slave. If any man should avow such pur- 
poses as these, and seek to hide himself un- 
der the authority of this Society, he is a 
base traitor to its principles and its worst 
enemy. Let him stand or fall by the verdict 
of an outraged community, but do not make 



26 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



liable for his acts a great institution whose 
real friends will be the first to discounte- 
nance him, and to brand upon his foreliead 
in indelible characters, this is a traitor to his 
country and the cause of humanity." 

The cause of African Colonization liad re- 
cently sustained a severe loss in the death 
of two eminent Virginians — the Hon. Hush- 
rod Washington, President/ of the American 
Society, and of William H. Fitzliugh, one of 
its earliest friends and most generous patrons. 

At a meeting of the An^erican Society at 
Washington, in June 1830, General Walter 
Jones in a very impressive speech portrayed 
the high character of the venerable Judge 
Washington and eloquently expressed the 
grief which nof himself only but tlie Society 
and the country felt at this loss. Ho con- 
cluded by oftering the following resolution, 
which was unanimouslv :idn])1cd: 

Resolvf:d, Tliat this Society entertains a 
deej) sense of the loss which it has sustain- 
ed by the decease of its venerable President 
the Hon. Bushrod Washington, and that it 
will cherish an affectionate remembrance of 
his intellectual and moral worth. The Rev. 
R. Randolph Gurley in the rc])ort added : 
Tiie venerable President of this Society ex- 
pired in Philadelphia, on llie 26tli of Novem- 
ber. Called unanimously at the request of 
this institution to ]jreside over its delibera- 
tions, he gave to it not merely the influence 
of his opinion and the weight of his name, 
but repeatedly by liberal pecuniary contri- 
butions, evinced his intense interest in the 
object it was established to promote. Not 
as a profound and sagacious statesman only 
did he contemplate it, but with the enlarged 
views of a philanthropist and the expanded 
benevolence and pious confidence of a chris- 
tian. In an address delivered at the first an- 
nual meeting of this Societ}', he said, "Among 
all the magnificent plan lor the improvement 
and happiness of mankind, th'el:e is perhaps 
none upon which we were more confident- 
ly implore the blessing of heaven than this. 
Whether we consider the grandeur of the 
object or the wide sphere of philanthropy it 
embraces, or whether we view the present 
state ot its progress, we may discover in each 
a certain pledge thatthe same benignant hand 



which has made these preparatory, arrange- 
ments will crown our efforts with success. 

The jnanagers feel it to be impossible to 
present even an outline of the character ot 
this eminent man — occupying for more than 
30 years a seat in the highest judicial tribu- 
nal of the country. Exhibiting on all occa- 
sions the attributes of a sound, comprehen- 
sive and learned mind; fulfilling his arduqus 
duties with regal integrity and cloudless hon- 
or ; no words of ours can increase the pub- 
lic regret for his loss nni- add to the bright- 
ness of his fame. 

In Jan. 1831, i\Ir. c;. W. P. Ciistia said 
upon tlie occasion of vlie deatli of Wm. H. 
Fit'/lmgh— " Sir, our lot has fdlen on calfim- 
ilous limes. Scarcely had we doffed our 
mourning garments for our venerable Presi- 
dent, wlio so long and so worthily filled our 
chair, and who bore his illustrious name with 
many of the higli dignities and all the mild 
cliarities, pure and lime honored to the grave, 
than we must again put on the insignia of 
sorrow, (brio the 'Insatiate Archer' has sped 
another shafl and another of our chiefs is 
hurried to an untimely tomb. He was one 
of tlie earliest and most faithful laborers in 
our vineyard. He spared neither time nor 
talents in the service of our cause, and by 
his last will ami testament left an imperisha- 
ble monumeul of his friendship and sympa- 
thy for the whole African race. Yes, sir, and 
wh^i in fiiture times powerful Liberia in the 
pride and in the enjoyment of freedom and 
happiness, shall erect in her capitol tokcii- 
of gratitude in memory oi'hcr early benefac- 
tors, the name of Fitzhugh will be graven ' 
thereon in characters of pure and high re- 
lief 



CHAPTER V. 

The rise of Morlhcm Abolilioiiism — Coloai- 
zntion and Abolition antagonistic — >S'?/6- 
pemion of proceedings of Colonization ISo- 
ciety of Virginia from December, 1828, to 
June 1831 — Southampton Tiagcdy traced In 
its true cause — Goi\ Giles — the Mayor of 
Boston, Si'c. 

The Colonization Society had been grad- 
ually winning its way to the conficence of 
Virginians as a wise measure of Stiite poli- 
cy, and a deserving object of Christian 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



27 



charity. It could point with pride to the 
names of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, 
Monroe, Tyler, and many other names of 
the highest authority. It had been stamped 
several times with the broad seal of the 
Commonwealth in the form of divers acts of 
the General Assembly. It was cheered by 
the unanimous voice of Christians of all 
creeds, and had a fair prospect of becoming 
the settled policy of the State. But this fair 
prospect was soon overcast with a cloud 
charged with angry lightnings — this har- 
mony marred by the voice of discord. 

The demon of abolition now appeared in 
American history in the forms and under the 
names of the "Liberator," the "African 
Sentinel," and the " Genius of Universal 
Emancipation." 

No two things were more opposed than 
the Genius of Colonization and the Genius 
of Abolition. The former is Concord with her 
horn of plenty, the latter Discord, Daughter of 
Night and Sister of Revenge and Death. The 
one is the olive-branch — the otiier is the 
hoarse the gentle 1 ove returning to the ark 
with raven exulting in the Deluge. The former 
is Peace — the latter is Bellona with her of- 
ferings of blood. The one is the gentle zephyr 
wafting its treasures to the liaven where 
they would be — the otiier is ihe hurricane 
lashing the ocean into foam and covering 
its surface with wrecks, and its caverns 
with the bones of the dead. — Madison1|tind 
Marshall were the types of the one— Gar- 
rison air^ ^^/^''"-r lh^ rpprcsontatives of the 
other. 

These iiionoiiiaaiaco forgetting (hat all (he 
great movements of Providence like those of 
Nature Avere slow, became impatient of the 
gradual breaking of the day and would so 
quicken the wlieels of time as to precipitate 
noon upon midnight. Accordingly they be- 
gan to forge and throw into the peaceful ho- 
som of Southern society firebrands with the 
view of lighting up the ilame of insurrec- 
tion. The venerable Dr. Alexander of 
Princeton, New Jersey, in his history of Af- 
rican Colonization, says : "About this time 
.the zeal of the Abolitionists had become ex- 
ceedingly warm, and great excitement was 
produced both at the North and the South 
by the publication of inflammatory pamphlets 
containing highly colored descriptions of the 



cruelties exercised towards the slaves in the 
Southern States ; and caricatures were pre- 
pared calculated to make a strong impression 
on the imagination of the people. A pam- 
phlet was printed in Boston, written by one 
Mr. Walker, which actually aimed to excite 
the slaves to insurrectioji, and did not hesi- 
tate to exhort them to take vengeance on 
their owners by imbruing their hands in 
their blood. Copies of these pamphlets were 
sent by mail into the Southern country." 

Many of these incendiary pamphlets an- 
swering the above description were collected 
and deposited in the State Library of Rich- 
mond. The Secretary of State has kindly 
given us access to them, and we have re- 
cently looked through them all. There are 
among them many numbers of the Liberator, 
the Genius of Universal Emancipation, sev- 
eral caricatures in the form of handkerchiefs, 
a variety of anti-slavery tracts and cate- 
chisms teaching the most atrocious doctrines. 
Our attention was specially arrested by a 
pamphlet entitled " An a})pcal to the colored 
citizens of the world and particularly of the 
United States of America," written in 1820, 
and re-prmted in Boston in 1829. This 
pamphlet fell into the hands of Chief Jus- 
tice Marshall, President of the Colonization 
Society of Virginia, and was given by him 
to the governor of this State. 

We extract from it the following precious 
gems : " Some of you whites will yet curse 
the day in wliich you live. IMy color will 
yet root some of you from the face of the 
earth. You may doubt— so did the Sodom- 
ites until God rained fire down upon them." 
The fruits ot' these infpndiai y innrbinntions 
soon began to appear. 

In December 1829, (iov. Ciilcs in ins mes- 
sage to the General Assembly, says: '-that 
during ihe jiast summer a spirit of dissatis- 
faction find insubordination was manifested 
by some of the slaves in different parts of 
the country from this place to the Seaboard, 
and considerable excitement was produced 
in a few neighborhoods. 

The Richmond Enquirer of tiie 28th of 
January 1830, said about " three weeks ago 
the House of Delegates went into closed 
doors in consequence of a message from the 
governor communicating a pamphlet printed 
in Boston, and addressed to people of color. 



28 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



We should have taken no farther notice of 
this matter if we had not reason to believe 
that a systematic design has been formed for 
circulating these pamphlets exclusively 
among the colored people," 

The copy in question was found in the 
house of a free man of color after his death 
by the Mayor. We learn from the Savan- 
nali papers that about fifty copies had been 
sent to that place for distribution, and that 
they had fallen into the hands of the mayor, 
who sent them to the governor, and he to the 
Legislature, who had passed a very strin- 
gent bill upon the subject, making the circu- 
lating incendiary pamphlets a capital offence. 

The Savannah papers give some extracts 
from this pamphlet, displaying the ferocious 
spent of the author. They call upon tliese 
poor ignorant creatures to wash their hands 
in the blood of the wliites. And so very 
obnoxious is the wiiole pamphlet that the 
Boston Sentinel reprobates it in the severest 
manner and justifies the law of Georgia. 

On the first of February, 1830, Governor 
Giles communicated to the Legislature of 
Virginia a letter from Harrison Gi-ay Otis, 
Mayor of Boston. 

On the 1st February 1830, the Speaker of 
the House of Delegates presented the fol- 
lowing communication from the Governor of 
Virginia : 
To the Honorable Linn Banks', 

Speaker of the House of Delegates. 

In compliance with the advice of the Ex- 
ecutive Council, I do myself the honor of 
transmitting herewith a copy of a letter from 
the Hon. Gray Otis, Mayor of Boston, cov- 
ering a copy of a letter addressed by him to 
the Mayor of Savannah in answer to one 
received by him from that gentleman, re- 
specting a seditious pamphlet written by a 
person of color in Boston ; and circulated 
by him in other parts of the United States. 
Yours, respectfully, 

WM. B. Gn.ES. 

To the Governor of Virginia. 

Sir : Perceiving that a pamphlet publish- 
ed in this city has been a subject of animad- 
version and uneasiness in Virginia as well as 
in Georgia, I have presumed that it might 
not be amiss to apprise you of the sentiments 
and feelings of the city authorities in this 



place, and for this reason I beg leave to send 
you a copy of my letter to the Mayor of Sa- 
vannah in answer to one from him. You 
may be assured that your good people can- 
not hold in more absolute detestation the 
sentiments of the writer than do the people 
of this city, and as I verily believe the mass 
of the New England population. The only 
difference is that the insignificance of the 
writer, the extravagance of his sanguinarj' 
fanaticism tending to disgust all persons of 
common humanity with his object, and the 
very partial circulation of his book prevent 
the afl^air from being the subject of excite- 
ment, and hardly of serious attention. I 
have reason to believe that the book is dis- 
approved of by the decent portion of the 
colored people, and it would be a cause of 
deep regret to all my well disposed fellow- 
citizens if a publication of this character 
and emanating from such a source should be 
thought to be countenanced by any of their 
number. 

I have the honor to be, 

Your obd't serv't, 
H. G. OTIS, 
Mayor of the city of Boston. 
Boston, Feb. 10, 1830. 

To the Mayor of Savannah. 

Sir : Indisposition has prevented an ear- 
lier reply to your favor of the 12th of De- 
cen-jjipr. A few days before the receipt of 
it, the pamphlet had been put into my hands 
by one of the aldermen of this city — it not 
having been circulated here. I perused it 
carefully in order to ascertain whether the 
writer had made himself amenable to our 
laws, but notwithstanding the extremely bad 
and inflammatory tendency of the publica- 
tion, he does not seem to have violated any 
of our laws. It is written by a free black 
man whose names it bears. He is a shop- 
keeper and a dealer in old clothes, and in a 
conversation which I authorized a young 
man to hold with him he openly avowed the 
sentiments of the book and authorship. I 
also hear that he declares his intention to 
circulate these pamphlets by mail, at his own 
expense if he cannot otherwise effect his 
object. You may be assured, sir, that a dis- 
position would not be wanting on the part of 
the city authorities here to avail themselves 



The Virginian, History of African. Colonization. 



ad 



of any lawful means for preventing this at- 
tempt to throw firebrands into your country. 
We regard it with deep disapprobation and 
abhorrence. But we have no power to con- 
trol the purpose of the author,and Avithoutthat 
we think that any public notice of him and 
his book would make matters Avorse. We 
have been determined, however, to publish 
a general warning to Captains of vessels 
against exposing themselves to the conse- 
quences of transporting incendiary writings 
into yours and the other Southern States. 
I have the honor to be 

Your obedient servant, 

H. G. OTIS. 

The communication was laid upon the ta- 



ble. 

In this connection we may cite a paragraph 
from an article by the Rev. R. Randolph 
Gurley having a direct bearing upon the 
point which we have adduced the foregoing 
documents to prove. In April 1831, Mr. 
Gurley a? Secretary of the American Colo- 
nization Society, said, " there will be found 
in our list of donations, one hundred dollars 
from James Madison. This great and hon- 
ored man approves and sanctions the object 
of our institution. Will the enemies of our 
Society in South Carolina, and will the rash 
and deluded youth who is scattering firebrands 
from Boston which may do mischief beyond 
his comprehension, deem as nothing the 
opinion of such men as Madison and Mar- 
shall, illustrious alike for their wisdom and 
virtues. 

In June 1831, Wm L. Garrison delivered 
an address to the colored people in Philadel- 
phia, New York and other cities. We have 
now before us a copy of the second edition, 
dated in June. In the preface to this print- 
ed address, he says : "I am determined to 
give slaveholders as much uneasiness as pos- 
sible. They shall hear me, and of me, and 
from me in a tone and with a frequency 
which shall make them tremble. He recom- 
mends the observation of the ensuing 4th 
of July as a day of lasting and prayer 
to the coloured people of the United States. 
He denounces the Colonization Society, and 
calls on them to resolve on death rather than 
transportation. The colored people of the 
South, he says, are entitled to every incli of 



Southern territory, having Avorn themselves 
out in its cultivation. 

In the Liberator for July 1831, the editor 
printed a song supposed to be sung by slaves 
in insurrection. The editor in calling atten- 
tion to it, asks : " Will Southern NuUifiers 
do us the favor to read it to their slaves !— 
We shall see." 

This song begins — 

See tyrants, see your empire shakes, 
Your flaming roofa the wild winds fan, 
Stnng to the soul the negro wakes. &c. 

The last lines are : 

Up Africa, the land is free, 
Our battle cry is Libert}', 
Oh, strike for God and vengeance now, 
Fly tyrants fly, 
Or stay to die. 

These papers and others, specimens of 
which are now deposited in the Library of 
Virginia, were circulated throughout the State 
by mail and also by emissaries in j^erson, as 
shown by documents now on file in the Ex- 
ecutive Department. 

In the following month of August, the in- 
surrection occurred in Southampton, Virgi- 
nia, by which sixty persons, chiefly helpless 
women and children, were butchered by 
night, by a company of negroes whose brains 
were fired by the ardent spirits of Alcohol 
and Abolition. In announcing the news of 
this insurrection in the Liberator of the 3rd 
of September, 1831, the editor has a flaming 
article which seems to us almost a confession 
of the participation of Northern Abolitionists 
in this foul tragedy. 

If we could spare the space we would re- 
produce the whole article as one of the most 
cold-blooded and heartless declamations that 
was ever made by a human being under 
such circumstances. He quotes some verses 
from the Janu'ry number of the Liberator and 
adds : " What we have so long j^redicted at 
the price of being stigmatised as an Alarm- 
ist and Declaimer lias begun its fulfillment. 

The first step of the earthquake which is 
to shake down the fabric of oppression has 
been made — the first drops of blood which 
arc a prelude to the deluge from the gather- 
ing clouds have fallen. In our number for 
January we alluded to the hour of vengeance. 
Read the accounts of the insurrection and 



30 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



say if our prophecy is fulfilled. What was 
imagination in January i.s now bloody reality. 

Again he says, they (the insurgents) de- 
served no more censure than the Greeks in 
breaking the Turkish yoke or the Americans 
in shedding British blood. 

Such are some of the links (still remaining 
in Virginia) of that chain of evidence which 
connects the Immediatists of the North as 
they were pleased to call themselves witli 
the Southampton insurrection. Out of their 
mouths we condemn them. If so plausible 
a case is made out at this distance of time 
from such of these incendiary publications 
as happened to fall into the hands of the 
Governor of Virginia, and to be preserved 
by him — it raises a strong presumption that 
if all the fact were known the proof would 
be complete. 

Now mark the contrast presented by the 
Colonization Society of Virginia. While 
these troubles were brewing, she had but one 
meeting, and assigns as a reason for the sus- 
pension of proceedings, that the' " public 
mind had been absorbed by discussions 
growing out of the formation of a new State 
government, and to the rekindling of preju- 
dices in reference to the design of the So- 
ciety Avhich therefore preferred to await a 
period of repose when reason should silent- 
ly assert its empire and prejudices yield' to 
the course of events and the convictions of 
experience." 



NoTii. — It was i)iovcii at llic trial of llic Sautlmiujitoii 
insurgents that certain free negro preachers had been on 
mission through North Carolina, and lower Virginia, and 
that one of them was at Jcrusaicui the night before the 
insurrection. There are several letters on the Ileconl, 
and particularly one from Judge Scmple to this effect. 
There arc also on file in the ofiice letters fiom I'hila- 
delphia and other cities to the Governor of Virginia, warn- 
ing him of the machinations of Abolilionist;5 to create 
discontent and rebellion among our servants. There arc 
letters too fVcnn j)Ostmastcrs and other persons in \'irgi- 
nia transniitling to the Executive incendiary ijanijililcts 
taken from negroes and intercejitcd letter?^, all of ihc 
eame tone. 



CHAPTER VI. 



Gov. Floyd' n Message io the Legislature about 
the Southampton Insurrection. Debute on 
Abolition and on removal of free negroes. 
Acts passed by House of Delegates and re- 
jected by Senate, Sic. 

Resolved, That this society deems it expe- 
dient at this time to reneio its pledges to the 
public strictly to adhere to that original fea- 
ture in the Constitution, which confines its 
operations to the removal of the free people of 
color only, with their own consent. — [Resolu- 
tion of Colonization Society of Virginia, Jan. 
iWi, 1832. 

" The seals are broken which have been 
put for fifty years upon the most delicate and 
difficult subject of State concernment. We 
publish speeches in the House of Delegates 
to-day which at no other period could have 
been delivered but with closed doors. In the 
same spirit, the press fearlessly speaks. Let 
Legislators, Politicians and Editors speak 
with forbearance towards each other, and 
with the utmost discretion in the presence of 
persons whose destinies are dependent upon 
the discussion." 

Such was the spirited language of the ven 
erable Editor of the Richmond Enquirer, on 
tiie 19th of January, 1832, pending the Abo- 
lition debate in the House of Delegates. We 
are indebted to the columns of the same pa- 
per for the following synopsis of the debate. 
We trust that no person will suspect us of 
reviving the memory of this debate for any 
purpose but the illustration of our subject. 
Its relations to our history will be clearly de- 
fined in a subsequent chapter. In the mean 
time it is but just to all parties to say that in 
our opinion no man of that day should be 
judged by the lights of the present genera- 
tion. That was the flood-tide of anti-slavery 
feeling in Virginia, and the tide has been eb- 
bing ever since. We do not make this re- 
mark to shield the Colonization Society. It 
needs no defence. In the very heat of this 
debate, the Coloni2:ation Society of Virginia 
jnet in the Capitol and solemnly renewed its 
pledge to adhere to its first principle of lim- 
iting its operations exclusively to the coloni- 
zing with their ovvu consent the free colored 
people only, and although it had warm friends 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



31 



on both sides of the question debated, yet it 
is a significant fact that the most prominent 
Colonizationists in the House, as Brodnax, 
Gholson, Marshall, Brown and others, were 
the leaders on the ,/lnii- Emnncipation side. 

Extract from Gov'r Floyd's .Message, Dec'r 
6, 1855. 

'73 I 

Whilst wo are onjoj'ing the ainnitiaucu of 

the last season, reposing in the peace and 
quiet of domestic comfort and safety, we 
were suddenly aroused from that security, by 
receiving information that a portion of our 
fellow-citizens had fallen victims to the re- 
lentless fury of assassins and murderers, even 
v.'hilst wrapped in profound sleep, and that 
those bloody deeds had been perpetrated in 
a spirit of wantonness and cruelty unknown 
to savage warfare even in these most revolt- 
ing times. 

In August last, a banditti ol' slaves, con- 
sisting of but few at first, and not at any 
time exceeding a greater number than sev- 
enty, rose upon some of the unsuspecting 
and defenseless inhabitants of Southampton, 
and under circumstances of the most shock- 
ing and horrid barbarity, put to death sixty- 
one persons, of whom the greater number 
were women and helpless children. Much 
of ihat bloody work was done on Monday 
morning ; and on the day following, about 
10 o'clock, the last murder was committed. 
The citizens of that and the adjaceut coun- 
ties promptly assembled, and all real danger 
was s[)cedily terminated. 

The conspiracy was at first believed to be 
general ] wherefore I was induced to call 
into service a force sullicient to crush at a 
single blow all oppressing power, whatever 
might be its strength. To this end detach- 
ments of light infantry from the 7th and 54lh 
Regiments, and from the 4th Regiment of 
Cavalry and 4th Light Artillery, under Brig- 
adier General Eppes, who had been desired 
lo assume command, and call out his Brig- 
ride. Arms and ammunition were amply 
furnished and thrown into all the counties, 
which were suspected of disalfection. — 
Two regiments in Brunswick and Greens- 
ville were called into service by their com- 



them with the power to do so, for such pur- 
poses. 

These troops being within the Brigade 
commanded by Brigadier General Wm. H. 
Brodnax, that officer assumed the command 
and remained in the field until all danger 
had passed. 

It gives me groat [ileasure to communicate 
to the General Assembly, the high satisfac- 
tion I feel in bearing testimony to the zeal, 
promptitude and dispatch with which every 
officer discharged his duty, and the cheerful 
alacrity with which every ofiicer obeyed the 
call of I lie law. 

Though the call upon the light troops was 
so promptly obeyed, yet before their arrival 
the revolt was subdued, and many of these 
deluded fanatics were either captured or 
placed beyond the possibility of escape ; 
some had already been immolated by an ex- 
cited people. 

I fee! the highest gratification in aiiding, 
that the readiest aid was afforded by Commo. 
Elliott of the United States Navy, and a de- 
tachment of sailors from the ship Natchez, 
under his command, who, though, notwith- 
standing they had just returned from a long 
and distant cruise, repaired to the scene of 
action with a highly creditable alacrity. — 
Much is also due to Col. House, the com- 
manding officer at Fortress Monroe, for the 
promptitude with which lie dispatched a 
portion of his force to our aid, under the 
command of Lieut. Col. Worth, to whom 
similar praise is due, as likewise to the offi- 
cers and soldiers under his command, lor the 
promptitude with which they also repaired 
to our aid, so soon as it came to their know]- 
edTC. All necessity for their co-operation 
had ceased before they reached their point 
of destination ; but they are not the less en- 
titled to commendation on that account. 

All of those who participated in the blootly 
tragedy have expiated their crimes by under- 
going public execution, whilst some, who 
had been condeinned, luive been reprieved 
for reasons which were deemed satisfiictory. 
There is much reason to believe that the 
spirit of insurrection was not confined to 



manding olhcers, and under the law vesting [the county of Southampton, many convic- 



32 



The Virginian History of Jifrican Colonization. 



lions have taken place elsewhere, and some 
few in distant counties. 

From the documents whicli I herewitli lay 
before you, there is too much reason to be- 
lieve these plans of treason, insurrection and 
murder have been designed, planned and 
matured by unrestrained fanatics in some of 
the neighboring States, who find facilities in 
distributing their views and plans amongst 
our population, either through the post office 
or by agents sent lor that purpose through 
our Territory. 

Upon inspecting these documents;, and 
contemplating that state of things which 
they are intended to produce, I felt it my 
duty to open a correspondence with the Gov- 
ernors of some of the neighbouring powers 
of this Confederacy, to preserve, as far as 
possible, the good understanding which ex- 
ists, and which ought to be cherished be- 
tween the different members of this Union. 
The result of this correspondence will be 
made known to you as soon as it is ascer- 
tained. 

The most active among ourselves, in stir- 
ring up the spirit of revolt, have been the 
negro preachers. They had acquired great 
ascendancy over the minds of these fellows, 
and infused all their opinions, which had 
prepared them for the development of the 
final design ; there is also some reason to 
believe those preachers have a perfect un- 
derstanding in relation to these plans 
throughout the eastern counties, and have 
been the channels through which the inflam- 
matory papers and pamphlets; brought here 
by the agents and emissaries from otiier 
States, have been circulated amongst our 
slaves. The facilities thus afforded for plot- 
ting treason and conspiracy to rebel and 
make insurrection, have been great. Through 
the indulgence of the magistracy and the 
laws, large collections of slaves have been 
permitted to take place at any time through 
the week for the ostensible purpose of in- 
dulging in religious worship, but in many in- 
atances the real purpose with the preacher 
was of a different character. The sentiments 
and sometimes the words of these inflam- 
matory pamphlets, which the meek and char- 
itable of other States have seen cause to dis- 



tribute as firebrands in the bosom of our so- 
ciety, have been used. What shall be thought 
of those fiends, who, having interest in our 
community, nevertheless, seek to excite al 
servile war ; a war which exhausts itself in 
the massacre of unoffending women and 
children on the one side, and on the other, 
of the sacrifice of all who had borne part in 
the savage undertaking. Not only should 
the severest punishment be inflicted upon 
those disturbers of our peace whenever they 
or their emissaries are found in our reach — 
but decisive measures should be adopted to 
make all these measures abortive. The pub- 
lic requires the negro preachers to be si- 
lenced, who, full of grievance, are incapable 
of inculcating any thing but notions of the 
vilest superstition, thus preparing fit instru- 
ments in the hands of the crafty agitators to 
destroy the public tranquility. 

As the means of guarding against the pos- 
sible repetition of these sanguinary scenes, I 
cannot fail to recommend to your early at- 
tention the revision of all the laws intended 
to preserve, in due subordination, the slave 
population of our State. In urging these 
considerations upon you, let me not be un- 
derstood, as expressing the slightest doubt 
or apprehension of general results. All 
communities arc liable to sulicr fiom the 
dagger of the murderer and midnight assas- 
sin, and it behooves them to guard againsi 
them. With us the first returning light dis- 
pels tiic danger, and soon witnesses the 
murderer in chains. 

Though means have been taken by tlio^r 
of other States to agitate our community and 
discontent our slaves, and incite them to at- 
tempt an unattainable object, some proof is 
also furnished, that for the class of free peo- 
ple of colour, they have opened more en- 
larged views, and urge the achievement of a 
higher destiny, by means for the present less 
violent, but noi difiering from those present- 
ed to the slaves. That class of our commu- 
nity, the laws have heretofore treated with 
indulgent kindness, and many instances of 
solicitude for their welfare have marked the 
progress of legislation. If the slave is con- 
fined by law to the estate of his master, as 
it is advisable he? should be, the free people 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



33 



of colour may nevertheless convey all the 
incendiary pamphlets and papers with which 
we are sought to be inundated. This class, 
too, has been the first to place itself in hos- 
ile array against every measure designed to 
• emove them from amongst us. Though it 
will be indispen3al)ly necessary for them to 
withdraw from this community — yet, in the, 
spirit of kindness which has ever character- 
ized the Legislature of Virginia — it is sub- 
mitted whether, as the last benefit we can 
confer upon them, it may not be wise to ap- 
propriate annually a sum of money, to aid 
in their removal from this Commonwealth. 
Whilst recent events had created appre- 
hensions in the minds of a few, some agita- 
tion was also more extensively felt, therefore 
it was deemed prudent to arm the militia in 
a manner calculated to quiet all apprehen- 
sions, and arms were accordingly furnished 
to nearly all the regiments on the eastern 
Irontier. The uant of them upon ihis sud- 
den emergency was so sensibly felt by those 
in the vicinity of Norfolk, as to induce Com- 
modore Warrington, in command of the Na- 
vy Yard at Gosport, to distribute a portion of 
the public arms under his care, that gallant 
and patriotic officer did not hesitate to as- 
sume the responsibility of this step, and it is 
gratifying to perceive that his conduct has 
met the approbation of the public function- 
aries. The policy of disarming the militia, 
it is believed, was pursued as a measure of 
economy, as the men and ofticers had been 
culpably negligent in their attention to their 
preservation, so that many were lost or by 
neglect became unfit for service. Now, how- 
ever, the necessity for preserving them has 
been distinctly felt, and a doubt cannot be 
entertained that more care will be taken of 
them inthe future, we could not weigh the ex 
pense incurred by thi.^ measure, against the 
possible sacrifice of life, much less the pos- 
sible repetition of thr; s-'-Pur-^ rif S'>nffi;ivnn. 
ton. 

House of Delegates, ( 
Dec'r 6, 1831. ^ 

Ou motion of Mr. Fisher, (the same being 
modified on motion of Mr. Brodnax,) order- 
ed that so much of the Governor's Message 
as relates to the insurrectionarv movements 



Qf the slaves and the removal of the free per- 
sons of colour beyond the limits of this com- 
monwealth, be referred to a committf»e of 
Messrs. Broadnax, Fisher. Cob, Wood of Al- 
bemarle, Roane, Moore, Newton, Campbell 
of Brooke, Smith of Frederick, Gholson, 
Brown, Stillman, and Anderson of Notto- 
way, with leave to report by bill or other- 
wise. 

Mr. Fisher presented a petitition of \he 
citizens of Northampton, relative to the same 
subject, which was ordered to be referred to 
the same committee. 

ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. 

Mr. Cloode submitted, according to nuuci- 
given yesterday, the following resolution : 

Resolved, That the select committee raised 
on the subject of slaves, free negroes, and 
the melancholy occurrences growing out of 
the tragical massacre in South Hampton, be 
discharged from the consideration of all pe- 
titions, memorials and resolutions, which 
have for their object the manumission of per- 
sons held in servitude under the existing 
laws of this commonwealth, and that it is not 
expedient to legislate on this subject. 

Mr. Randolph moved to amend the re.-5olu- 
jion by striking out all after the word Sov^// 
Hampton, and inserting in lieu thereof, the 
following : 

be instructed to inquire into the ex- 
pediency of submitting to the vote of the 
qualified voters in the several cities, towns, 
boroughs and counties of this commonwealth, 
the propriety of providing by law, that the 
children of all female slaves, who may be 
born in this State, on or after the 4th of July, 
1840, shall become the property of the Com- 
monwealUi, the males at the age of 21 years, 
the females at the age of 18, if detained by 
their owners within the limits of Virginia, 
until they shall respectively arrive at the ages 
aforesaid, to be hired out until the net sum 
arising therefrom, shall be sufljcient to defray 
the expenses of their removal beyond the 
limits of the United States, and that said 
committee have leave to report by bill or 
otherwise. 

Mr. Goode .•supported at considerable length 
the immediate decision of the question em- 
braced in the resolution. It was a subject of 
great anxiety to a large portion of the people 



34 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



of the State. He considered it his impera- 
tive duty to move that the committee be dis- 
charged from the consideration of the aboli- 
tion of slavery, in order to allay the doubts 
and excitement now existing and to jjrevem 
the property of our citizens from being im- 
paired by the agitation of a question v/hich 
threatened the confiscation of that property. 
He believed the committee would come to 
the same conclusion as was aimed at by his 
resolution — that nothing fshould be done, 
which he argued must be admitted on all 
hands, from the fact that the Legislature had 
not the power to act efficiently on the sub- 
ject, nor had the funds required for so great 
an undertaking. By continuing to entertain 
the subject hopes would be cherished in the 
coloured population, which must be disap- 
pointed, and the present anxiety of the citi- 
zens be prolonged. 

Mr. Bryce of Frederick, opposed both the 
resolution and the proposed amendment. 
He argued that the committee having gone 
on with the consideration of petitions on this 
subject, a report ought to be had from them, 
to be sent out to the people, that they might 
decide on the question. 

Mr. Moore in a speech of great length op- 
posed the resolution, and offered various ar- 
guments in favor of acting energetically and 
at once upon the subject of the abolition ol 
slavery, which he looked upon as the heavi- 
est curse that could be inflicted on a people 
and to which he attributed the depressed con- 
dition of many parts of the State. He com- 
batted several of the opinions expressed by 
Mr. Goode, and went into a discussion of the 
disastrous effects to be anticipated from neg- 
lecting to remove the slave population — ci- 
ting detailed estimates of the relative increase 
of white and black population; he contended 
that the military force required to keep the 
slave population in subjection, the effects of 
slavery upon the morals of the whites, the 
prosperity of the State and the security of 
the lives and property of the citizens ; with 
various other considerations, presented pov/- 
erful reasons for urging the Legislature to act 
promptly and boldly on the subject. 

Mr. Boiling expressed himself opposed to 
the resolution. The Committee had the whole 
subject before them, and hoped a report would 
be had from them, he stated with much clear- 1 



ness and force the evils of slavery, and urged i 
a variety of reasons for legislating with a view 
of forming some measure for its gradual re- 
moval. In reply to the argument that the 
lights of property must not be touched, he 
;irgued that the civil rights of the people and 
the public safety required, whenever any des- 
cription of property became a nuisance, that 
its abatement should be considered a fair ob- 
ject of legislation. 

Mr. Randolph regretted that the main sub- 
ject of the deliberations of the Committee 
had been presented to the House at this 
time, and hoped it would not be considered 
hastily. He had not submitted his amend- 
ment as a fae-brand to stir up discussion, but 
to afford some tangible question to the House, 
and to propose a submission of the question 
to the people. He expressed a different 
opinion from that of Mr. Goode in relation 
to the cause of excitement among the peo- 
ple which he thought did not arise from 
the consideration of the question by this 
House, but from the transactions in South 
Hampton. Something he argued must be 
done, in relation to this question, as it would 
be folly to remain with folded arms, and 
close our eyes to the future, with the sagacity 
of the Ostrich, which believes itself safe 
when its head is hidden. It was impossible 
to check the progress of public opinion on 
this subject — and it was better to meet it 
energetically, than be forced to act by a rep- 
etition of the masacre at South Hampton. 

Mr. Gholson said that as it was not anti- 
cipated that a vote would be taken on the 
resolution to-day and as the usual hour of 
adjournment had arrived he would move the 
resolution and amendment be laid on the ta- 
ble and that when the house adjourn it ad- 
journ to meet to-morrow at 12 o'clock, both 
motions having been agreed to. On motion 
of Mr. Gholson the house adjourned. 

Richmond Enguirer, December Wh, ISS,'^. 

HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 

Thursday, January 12t/i 1832. 

ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. 

Mr. Gholson moved that the resolutio-. 
presented by Mr. Goode on Wednesdav 
and the amendment to it offered by Mr. Rait 
dolph, be taken up. 

Mr. Haly Burton opposed the motion, a" 



Tht Virginian History of African CoUnxzaiion 



35 



lading to the unprofitable discussion of Wed- 
nesday, and expressed a hope that these res- 
olutions would be suffered to lie on the table. 

The motion to take up was supported by 
Messrs. Roane, Gholson, Goode and Brod- 
nax, when Mr. Haly Burton withdrew his 
objections. 

Mr. Randolph opposed the motion to take 
up. After a few remarks from Mr. Carter of 
P. W. who expressed a hope that the resolu- 
tion would be voted upon without further 
discussion. Mr. Witcher sustained the mo- 
tion, and on his motion the Ayes and Noes 
were ordered. 

After some further discussion, in which 
Messrs. Ciiandler, Randolph, Witcher, Sims 
and Giiolson took part, tlu ote Avas taken 
and decided in the affirruutive as follows : 
Ayes 116, Noes 7. 

The resolutions being th'en before the 
House, after a short conversation between 
Messrs. Bryce of Goochland, Gholson and 
Randolph, which resulted in a withdrawal by 
the latter of his amendment, Mr. Newton 
observed that the amendment could not be 
withdrawn without unanimous consent. He 
objected to its withdrawal. Mr. Gholson 
then addressed the House in a long argu- 
ment upon the main subject, considering it 
with much eloquence and ingenuity in all 
Its bearings, and sustaining the resolution of 
Mr. Goode. 

He was replied to brielly by Mr. Rives, 
who argued forcibly in favour of the amend- 
ment of Mr. Randolph. 

Mr. Brodnax said, that a.i many other 
members as well as himself, were desirous of 
speaking on this subject, it would be impos- 
sible to get through to-day. He therefore, 
moved the adjournment, which was carried, 
and 

The House adjourned. 

Friday^ January \Zth. 1832. 



ABOLITION OP SLAVERY. 

On motion of Mr. Brodnax, the resolution 
of Mr. Goode to discharge the Committee 
on the subject of Free negroes &c., from 
the consideration of the subject of emanci- 
pation &.C., and the amendment thereto oi" 
Mr. Randolph, were taken up, and Mr. Brod- 
nax addressed the House in a speech of 
nearly ihice hoiU3 length. He declared | 



himself equally opposed to the resolution 
and amendment — stating his firm conviction 
that something must be done to avert con- 
sequences which were otherwise inevitable ; 
but that a plan for this purpose ought to 
have as its polar principles. 

1st, That not a slave should be manumit- 
ted without being deported from the Stale. 

2nd, Nothing should be attempted which 
could affect injuriously the value or security 
of property. 

3rd, That the State should take Ivom no 
citizen a slave without the consent of the 
owner. 

Mr. B. then went into various arguments 
to show the impolicy of the plan presented 
by Mr. Randolph, and to prove that by a 
measure of the Legislature, providing for 
the transportation to the Colony of Liberia, 
of 6000 free negroes annually, at an expen- 
diture of $200,000, the increase of the col- 
ored population might be kept down, and 
the threatened evils prevented. 

Mr. Bruce followed Mr. Brodnax, and op- 
posed the resolution of Mr. Randolph, re- 
plying to the remarks of Messrs. Rives, 
Moore and others, and sustaining the reso- 
lution of Mr. Goode. 

Saturday, January Wth. 1833. 

" ABOLITION OF SLAVERY." 

On motion of Mr. Powell, the resolution 
of Mr. Goode, discharging the Committee of 
Free Negroes Sic, from the consideration of 
the subject of the emancipation of slaves, 
and the amendment offered to it by Mr. Ran- 
dolph, was taken up. 

Mr. Powell addressed the house, and wcs 
followed by Messrs. Daniel, Faulkner and 
Marshall. 

Monday, January \Qth. 1S32. 

"ABOLITION OF SLAVERY." 

Mr. Roane (entitled to the floor, as mover 
of the adjournment on Saturday) moved the 
resolution and substitute, on the subject of 
the emancipation of slaies, be now taker, 
up; but withdrew his motion at the sugges- 
tion of Mr. B/yce of G. to admit of the 
presentment of a report from the Select 
Committee on Slavery and Free negroes— 
v/hich was subsequently presented by Mr. 
Brodnax, as follows ; 

'The Select Coniraitie?, t5 v.Iicm .vss re- 



36 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



ferred certain memorials praying the passage 
of some law providing Jbr the gradual abo- 
lition of slavery in the commonwealth, have, 
according to order, had the same under con- 
sideration, and have come ic> the following 
resolution thereupon : 

" Resolved, as the opinion of tlio Coni- 
uiittee, that it is inexpedient for the present 
Legislature io make any legislative enact- 
ment for tlie abolition of Slavery." 

In presenting this lepoil, Mr. Brodnnx 
disavowed for himself and his colleagues, 
any intention to impede, retard, or give a 
different direction to the discussion of the 
resolutions which had thus far been debated. 
It would have been a contemptible littleness, 
of which he would not have been the instru- 
ment, to have endeavoured, by the presenta- 
tion of this report, to check the free course 
of a discussion, in which certain gentlemen 
had already engaged, and in which others 
were prepared to express themselves. There 
would be no difficulty in proceeding with the 
debate. There was no reason why the gen- 
rjeman from Albemarle should not move his 
substitute as an amendment to this report. 
So far from this report having been introduced 
to favor iiny views of the members of the 
Committee, Mr. B. could refer to the maw. 
uanimous gentleman from Rockbridge, who 
would state that it was presented at his re- 
quest. 

Mr. Moore said that it was but justice to 
the chairman and members of the committee 
to say, that he had requested that the report 
might be presented to the House, as he wished 
to have the whole sul)ject before the House 
at once, to bo decided upon finally. 

Mr. Bryce of G. moved that the report be 
now taken up, which having been agreed to, 
Mr. B. oflercd the following as an aniend- 
ment : — 

Protbundiy sensible of fhc great evils 
■arising from the condition of the colored 
population of this Commonwealth ; induced 
by humanity as well as policy to an immedi- 
ate effort for the removal, in the first place, j 
as well of those who are now free, as of such j 
as may hereafter become free, believing that' 
this effort, while it is in just accordance with 
?he ■.:entim6nt3 of the community on the sub- 



ject, will absorb all our present means; and 
that a further action for the removal of the I 
slaves should await a more definite develop- 
ment of public opinion. Resolved Sec. 

Mr. Bryce said he moved this amendment / 
for the reason that, being declaratory of the ' 
opinion, that at some future time, when the 
feelings of the people, which were progress- 
ing and- increasing, should have developed 
themselves, it would be in the power of Vir- 
ginia, and her duty, to remove the colored 
population— li would prevent the effect o' 
the bare aninrnciation of the report. He 
wished the report of the Committee to de- 
clare that when we should possess the means 
of doing it, we v.'ould take measures to re- 
move the whole evil — with a view to show to 
the world tliat we look forward to the time 
when the final abolition of slavery shall take 
place — and that we will go on, step by step, 
to that great end. He hoped all those who 
wished for the final removal of the colored 
people, would vote for this amendment. 

Mr. Moore rose to move that the report 
and amendment be laid on the table, because 
it had been understood that this report should 
not interfere with those gentlemen who came 
prepared to debate the previous propositions. 

Mr. Bryce said that in justice to himself it 
was proper to state that he contemplated no 
interference in the debate on the resolution 
and substitute presented on this subject. But 
he wished to present distinctly to the House 
his view of it. The wide range which had 
been allowed gentlemen in that debate had 
embraced every possible topic connected 
with it. The same range would be allowed 
in discussing this question, nor was it offered 
to stifle discussion, which would undergo no 
restriction by the adoption of the preamble. 
If the gentlemen from Rockbridge would ex- 
amine it, he would find that every topic could 
be discussed in considering the preamble at 
well as upon any other proposition. H' 
knew that gentlemen desired to discuss th'^ 
substitute of the gentlcnan from Albemarle, 
and that proposition might with propriety be 
brought into the debate on the preamble. 

Mr. Gholson regretted that at the present \ 
time the gentleman from Goochland had ] 
presented this amendment. He knew that I 
It was not strictly in order, and the Houce i 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 37 



might be placed in the awkward predicament 
of adopting the substitute of flie gentleman 
Irom Albemarle along with the preamble. 
He wished the propositions first presented 
might be debated. The preamble of the 
gerrtleman presented a new question. It 
went to declare that although the present 
Legislature did not consider it expedient to 
set upon the subject of abolition, it was pro- 
per that some future Legislature should act. 
The oriirinal resolution ought first to be dis- 
cussed and decided ; and the resolution and 
preamble afterwards taken up. 

Mr. Preston objected to the consideration 
of the preamble at this time. He believed 
that by taking up the Report of the Commit- 
tee the original resolutions were both super- 
seded — they were taken from before the 
House. He hoped that a motion would be 
made to reverse the resolutfen reported by 
the Committee, and refer it back to them, 
with directions to bring in a bill for the grad- 
ual emancipation of slaves. For that pur- 
pose he hoped the gentlemaiPfrom Rock- 
bridge would withdraw his motion to lay on 
the table. 

Mr. Moore withdrew the motion. 

Mr. Brodnax said that there seemed to him 
no enibarrassment in getting at this subject. 
The questions were the same. Any gentle- 
man, who argued that the reportought to be, 
or not to be adopted, would be for one or 
other of the original j)ropositions. He hoped 
therefore, that the gentleman from Hanover 
would be allowed to proceed. 

Mr. Randolph could not agree with the 
gentleman from Brunswick or Montgomery. 
He was acting with many other gentlemen, 
and he believed a majority of the House 
agreed with him on the general question. 
He knew that, novice as he was in public 
debate — having never in his life addressed 
a dozen men a half a dozen times, — he had 
assumed a task of no mean importance. He 
felt that he had attempted a duty for which 
all the habits of his life had left him unpre- 
pared—and that he was opposed to those 
v/ho were covered with the laurels of for- 
mer victories. He felt his weakness, but as 
it was, having entered the arena, he was 
determined to go on in the cause he had 
adopted. 

Mr. Carter cf Frmce William ob?ers'ed, 



that he presumed the gentleman at his right 
(Mr. Preston) would be very glad to with- 
draw the proposition of the gentleman from 
Albermarle. But so excellent a target ought 
not to be withdrawn until some other gen- 
tleman should have an opportunity to take a 
shot at it — not that he (Mr. Carter) was de- 
sirous to participate in the discussion. He 
hoped, however, that the report and amend- 
ment v/ould be laid on the table, and he 
made that motion. 

Mr. Preston trusted the gentleman did not 
intend to imply that he (Mr. P.) had pursued 
an improper course — (Mr. Carter disavo\ved 
any such implication.) Mr. P. alluded to 
the course this subject had taken in the 
House — the petitions originally, presented — 
their reference — and the resolution intro- 
duced by the gentleman from Mecklenburg 
(Mr. Goo5e.) 

That resolution proposed the discharge of 
the Committee from the further considera- 
tion of this subject; but the Committee 
having reported, and thereby having dis- 
charged themselves from the further consid- 
eration, the subject of the resolution was no 
longer before the House. How could gen- 
tlemen fire at a target which had been re- 
moved ? The red hot shot of the gentleman 
from Prince William had no longer a mark. 
He, therefore, in order to continue the dis- 
cussion, moved that the House disagree 
with the resolution of tlie Committee, and 
that the report be referred back to them 
I with instructions to bring in a bill providing 
for the gradual emancipation of slaves in 
this Commonwealth. 

Mr. Bryce was not in the habit of being 
troublesome to the House, but he would of- 
fer a few words. He argued that the posi- 
tion of the subject v>;as not materially changed 
by the presentation of the Report and his 
amendment. He hoped the resolutions 
would not be taken from the consideration 
tion of the House ; but the first question was 
on the preamble, and then the resolution;! 
could be decided. All those who agreed 
with him that the Legislature ougnt to act on 
the subject of emancipation might vote with 
him and all those who wished a bill to be re- 
ported might also vote with him, without the 
least inconsistency — and also move to bring 
in a bill In regard to the remark of the 



38 



The Virginian History of African Colonisiaiion. 



gentleman from Brunswick, he believed he 
had been long enough a member oi the 
House to understand the rules, nor did he 
think he had violated them. He believed 
all the objects of gentlemen would be an- 
swered by considering the preamble. 

Mr. Campbell of Brooke said that, although 
he was not very deeply versed in the rules 
of the House, he believed all could see the 
object of the preamble and its effect. The 
Committee reported that it was inexpedient 
to act upon the question of abolition ; and 
the preamble stated their reasons for arriving 
at that conclusion. Should those, then, who 
desired to reverse the resolution, defer it un- 
til they should have adopted the reasons 
why the Committee had reported against ac- 
ting upon the subject? The friends of ac- 
tive measures were not there to be en- 
trapped. The proposition of the gentleman 
from Montgomery v.^as the only correct one. 
How was it possible to go on to discuss a 
resolution to discharge from further conside- 
ration of the subject the Committee, who 
had pre-judged the question? It would be 
idle to discuss such a proposition. He was 
opposed to laying the Report on the table, 
and in favour of the motion of the gentle- 
man from Montgomery, because it brought a 
tangible question before the House. 

Mr. Newton hoped the motion to lay the 
report and amendment on the table would 
prevail. The gentleman from Albemarle 
(Mr. Randolph) had introduced to the House 
a subject of the most astounding character; 
and he hoped the House Avould allow that 
monstrous proposition to be discussed. The 
gentleman from Albemarle had prepareil 
the laurel for his brow, and Mr. N. did not 
wish to deprive him of the honor of wear- 
ing it. But he wished to be allowed to 
write upon this wall, his solemn conviction 
that the gentleman from Albemarle had 
proposed a question which struck at the 
foundations of a Republican Government. He 
wished to present his vieAvs of this proposi- 
tion, which brings us back to an absolute 
Democracy. He hoped that the question of 
abolition Avoukl now be considered and deci- 
ded. 

Mr. Williams put the question to the gen- 
tleman from Goochland, whether the same 
liberty of debate v;culd be allowed in dis- 



cussing the preamble as the original resolu- 
tions. He spoke to the question of order. 
He trusted, that after so many gentlemen 
had been heard — after the question had been 
debated for several days, a new subject was 
not to be introduced to distract that discus- 
sion. The West had been spoken of in in- 
vedious terms in this debate, and remarks 
that had been made in a debate on the ori- 
ginal question, ought to be replied to in con- 
tinuation of the same subject. He believed 
that, however clear and microscopic the 
topics might be, which the gentleman con- 
sidered embraced in this debate, they would 
expand to such an extent that they could not 
be embraced by the vision of any man. He 
hoped the gentleman from Hanover would 
be allowed to proceed. 

Mr. Moore remarked, that if the gentle- 
man from Goochland pressed the adoption 
of the preamble at this time, although in fa- 
vor of it, he, (Mr. M.) must vote against it. 

Mr. Mille^^f P., rose, not to debate this 
question, but to endeavour to relieve the 
House from Parliamentary difficulty. The 
resolution of the gentleman from Mecklen- 
berg embraced two propositions — the one to 
discharge the Committee from the further 
consideration of the subject of abolition, 
and the other declaring it inexpedient now 
to legislate on the subject. The substitute 
of the gentleman from Albemarle embraced 
a specific proposition. Those propositions 
had been discussed, and he thought it better 
that the debate should be continued upon 
them. The second proposition of the gen- 
tleman from Mecklenberg was the same as 
that of the resolution of the Committee. It 
states that it is not expedient to legislate at 
all on the subject, while the report declares 
it not expedient to legislate on it at this time. 
The former opened the question a little wi- 
der than the latter ; otherwise they were the 
same. He thought it therefore advisable to 
lay the report on iao. table, and allow the de- 
bate to proceed. 

Mr.. Carter of P. W. rose to move that the 
1 House take up the Avhole subject — report an 
I amendment — resolution and substitute. 

Mr. Bryce expressed his willingness to 
withdraw his amendment, with the under- 
standing, that before the report was finally 



The Virginian Hisiary of African Colomzaiion. 



89 



should be deci- 



acted upon, his proposition 
ded by the House. 

Mr. Marshall was happy that the preann- 
ble was withdrawn. He agreed with the 
gentleman from Goochland as to the propri- 
ety of that preamble, but at present it was 
not the subject on which the House could 
act. 

Mr. Bryce having withdrawn his amend- 
ment, the question was taken to lay on the 
table and decided in the negative — Ayes 60. 
Noes 62. 

Mr. Preston moved that the resolution re- 
ported from the Committee be amended by 
striking out the word "inexpedient" and in- 
serting the word " expedient," so as to re- 
verse the decision of the Committee. 

Mr. Roane then addressed the House at 
considerable length, and was followed by 
Messrs. Wood of Albemarle, and Preston. 

At the conclusion of these speeches, 

Mr. Knox said he had been pleased and 
surprised, and astounded, at the opinions 
which he had heard expressed this day. 
Such was now the position of things, that 
every man was called on imperiously to 
stand to his post. But perceiving that the 
House was exhausted, and the hour a late 
one, he moved the adjournment. 

Tuesday, January 17, 1832. 
"ABOLITION OF SLAVERY." 
On motion of Mr. Newton, the report of 
the Committee on Slaves and Free Negroes 
was taken up. 

Mr. Knox addressed the House on the 
subject, and was followed by Messrs. Sum- 
mers and Chandler. 

Wednesday, January 18, 1832. 

"SLAVES, FREE NEGROES," &c. 

Mr. Dabney presented a petition of sun- 
dry citizens of the count}'- of King WilUara, 
for the removal of the free people of color 
from the Commonwealth, and for the pur- 
chase of a portion of the slaves, and their 
removal. 

Mr. Dabney remarked, in presenting this 
petition, that he regretted it had not reached 
him earlier, and before the committee on the 
subject had reported. He had arrived at 
the same conclusion with the committee, 
that nothing could be done beyond the re- 



moval of the free negroes. But in compli- 
ance with the will of his constituents, he 
might be willing to go so far as to agree to 
the passage of a law for sending out of the 
country all slaves voluntarily emancipated. 
But beyond this he could not go. 

Mr. Sims moved to lay the petition on the 
table, which was opposed by Mr. Dabney, 
who urged its reference. 

Mr. Sims replied, observing that as there 
was now before the House a motion to dis- 
charge the committee from the further con- 
sideration of the subject, and as a report 
from the committee had already been pre- 
sented, he thought it improper to refer this 
petition. 

The petition having been read on motion 
of Mr. Moore, Mr. Sims withdrew his mo- 
tion to lay on the table, and it was referred. 

" ABOLITION OF SLAVERY." 
On motion of Mr. Brown, the report of 

the Committee on the subject of Slavery, 

and the amendment thereto of Mr. Preston, 

was taken up. 

Mr. Brown addressed the House in a 

speech of about two hours in length, and 

was followed by Mr. Garland. 

Thursday, January 19, 1832. 

"ABOLITION OF SLAVERY." 
On motion of Mr. Williams, the report of 

the Committee on Slaves and Free Negroes, 

adverse to any measure on the subject of 

emancipation, was taken up. 

Mr Williams addressed the House, and 

the remainder of the day was occupied by 

Mr. Shell. 

Friday, January 20, 1832. 

" ABOLITION OF SLAVERY." 
On motion of Mr. Randolph, the report of 

the Committee on Slaves, Free Negroes, &c., 

and the amendment of Mr. Preston were 

taken up. 

Mr. Randolph addressed the House at 

great length, and was followed by Messrs. 

Newton and Berry. 

Tuesday, January 24, 1832. 

On motion of Mr. Goode, the report of 
the Committee on Slaves and the amend- 
ment offered by Mr. Preston were taken up. 

Mr. Goode addressed the House in sup- 
port of the Report, and in defence of the 
course he had taken, in a speech of about 



40 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



two hours in length, and was followed by 
Mr. Jones. 

Mr. Moore then spoke at considerable 
length in reply to various members. 

Wednesdav, Jamtmy 25t/i, 1832. 

On motion of Mr. Wilson of B. the Report 
of the Committee on the colored population, 
and Mr. Preston's amendment thereto, was 
taken up. 

Mr. Rutherfoord explained the reasons on 
which he should vote against the amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Boiling addressed the House at much 
length. 

Messrs. Patteson of C, Brooker, Brodnax, 
Jones, Ball, Gallagher, Roane, Gholson and 
Moore continued the debate. 

Mr. Rives said he merely wished to point 
out to the gentleman from Montgomery (Mr. 
Preston) the anomalous position in which the 
house was placed by his motion to amend 
the report. Mr. R. did not believe there 
was a member in the House who was in ft • 
vor of legislating upon the subject of aboli- 
tion this year. In saying this he did not re- 
gret that the debate upon the subject had ta- 
ken place ; on the contrary, he thought it 
would be highly beneficial. Yet, ifthis mo- 
tion were to be voted upon as the measure 
of the friends of abolition, this result would 
happen ; it would be entered on the Journal 
that the House voted for acting this year — 
at the same time every member, when asked 
the question, said he was not in favour of 
acting. The report seemed to him fully in 
accordance with the views even of those 
members who were in favor of abolition. 
He could not speak positively, but he did 
not think there was a member from a coun- 
ty east of the Ridge, who would vote for the 
amendment. There were many gentle- 
men who like himself would declare that 
their opinions were not changed as to the 
subject of abolition, but who did not wish to 
have it put dovv^n on the Journal that they 
were read}^ for action now, when in reality 
they were not. The whole subject was still 
before the Committee, and a vote upon the 
Report would procure the sense of the House. 

Mr. Preston declined Vvithdrawing his mo- 
tion. He wished the House to decide wheth- 
er they would adopt some preliminary mode 



of action. If any scheme should be pre- 
sented which did not meet his approbation, 
he should not consider himself pledged by 
his vote for the amendment, to vote for it. 

Mr. Rives said that if the gentleman 
w'ould submit a motion to recommit the re- 
port to the Committee, with instructions to 
report upon a plan of abolition, it would meet 
the views of the House. If the amend- 
ment was agreed to, the Committee would 
as a matter of course be instructed^to bring 
in a bill, — while there was not, he believed, 
a single member who thought a plan could 
be presented for which they would be will- 
ing to vote. The gentleman from Montgom- 
ery shakes his head, said Mr. R. I believe 
he is alone, if he is prepared to go for any 
plan of abolition at this time. ' 

Mr. Wilson of B. said, that as voting for 
the amendment would imply no pledge to 
vote for any particular measure that would 
take from the citizen his property, he should 
vote for the amendment. A large number 
of the citizens of Botetourt were convinced 
that the existence of slavery was an evil, 
and desired the adoption of some measure 
which should tend to its ultimate r<!?moval. 
They had asked that something should be 
done — nor could he return to them and say 
that he had made no exertion to meet their 
wishes. He should, therefore, vote for the 
amendment. 

Mr. Witcher said he did not rise to make 
a speech. He had listened to all the speech- 
es which had been made on this subject, 
with the most profound attention, and he 
now rose to make a motion, the first he had 
made since this question came before the 
House. His motion was that the Report and 
amendment be indefinitely postponed. Ho 
made this motion because if the House vo- 
ted out. — as he had no doubt they would — 
:he amendment of the gentleman from 
Montgomery, discussion would be excited 
by other attempts to amend. He wished to 
prevent this, and he also wished, if possible, 
to obtain the vote of each member, pro or 
con, on the question of abolition. 

The question being then put on the indefi- 
nite postponement, it was negatived by th( 
following vote : 

Ayes. Messrs. Banks (Speaker,) Grinalds. 
Booker, Campbell of B., Pate, Gholson 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



41 



Shell, Patteson of B., Daniel, Halyburton, 
Richardson, Patteson of C, Pendleton, Broad- 
U8, Wilson of C, Brodnax, Ritchie, Ball, 
Chilton, Stillmon, Hale of F., Woods of F., 
BryceofF., Smith of F., Smith of G., Spen- 
cer, Bruce, Sims, Graveley, Jordan, Shield, 
Gallaher, Harwood, Hcoe, Dabney, Carter 
of L. and R., Poindexter, Street, Hudgins, 
Goode of M., Knox, Webb, Cabell, Fisher, 
Harvey, Anderson of N., Davis, Witcher, 
Swanson, Miller, Dupuy, Sand, Lhands, Car- 
ter of P, W., Carson, Cobb, Crump, Har- 
grave, Newton and Brown — 60. 

Noes. Messrs. Drummond, Wood of A., 
Randolph, Persinger, Garland, McCue, Brooke, 
Cameron, Faulkner, Goode of B., Anderson 
of B,, Wilson of B., Campbell of B., Boiling, 
Spurlock, Rives, Jones, Marshall, Stephen- 
son, Helms, Wood of Fred., Snidow, Bryce 
of G., Erskine, Carskadon, Boston, Roane, 
Mullen, Williams, Johnson, Mayo, Beriy, 
Summers, Allen, Hays, Lawson, Mcllhaney, 
Cordell, Caldwell, Smith ofM. J., Billingsly, 
Henry, Vawter, Preston, Chandler, Leigh, 
■^Fitzhugh, Parriott, Robertson, Hiner, Gilli- 
land, Zinn, Hart, Moore, McDoweil, Mc- 
Mahon, Cline, Jessee, Kilgore, Bare, Powell, 
Moncure, Gillespie, McCoy, McCullock, 
Keller, Morriss, Crockett, King and Ruther- 
foord— 71. 

The question then recurring on Mr. Pres- 
ton's amendment, it was determined in the 
negative by the following vote : 

Ayes, Messrs. Drummond, Randolph, 
Persinger, Garland, McCue, Brooke, Came- 
ron, Faulkner, Goode of B., Anderson of 
B., Wilson of B., Campbell of Brooke, Boil- 
ing, Spurlock, Jones, Stephenson, Helms, 
Wood of F., Snidow, Hail, Erskine, Carska- 
don, Boston, Williams, Johnson, Mayo, Sum- 
mers, Allen, Hays, Lawson, Mcllhany, Cor- 
dell, Caldwell, Smith of M., and J., Billings- 
ly, Henry, Vawter, Preston, Fitzhugh, Par- 
riott, Robertson, Hinor, Gilliland, Zinn, 
Hart, Moore JMcDowell, McMahon, Cline, 
Jessee, Kilgore, Bare, Gillespie, McCoy, 
McCullock, Keller, Morriss, Crockett — 58. 

Noes. Messrs. Banks (Speaker,) Grinalds, 
Wood of A-, Booker, Campbell of Bedford, 
Pate, Gholsori, Shell, Patteson of B., Rives. 
Daniel, Halyburton, Richardson, Patteson of 
C, Pendleton, Broadus, Wilson of C, Brod- 
nax, Ritchie, Ball, Chilton, Mar.^hall, StiU- 



inan, Hale, Wood of Franklin, Bryce of F., 
Smith of F., Smith of G., Bryce of G., Spen- 
cer, Bruce, Sims, Roane, Mullen, Graveley, 
Jordan, Shield, Gallaher, Berry, Harwood, 
Hooe, Dabney, Carter of L. and R., Poin- 
dexter, Street, Hudgings, Goode of M., Knox, 
Webb, Cabell, Chandler, Leigh, Fisher, Har- 
ve}', Anderson of N., Davis, Witcher, Swan- 
son, Miller, Dupuy, Land, Shands, Carter of 
P. W., Carson, Cobb, Pov/ell, Moncure, 
Crump, Hargrave, Nev/ton, King, Brown 
and Rutherfoord — 73. 

Mr. Bryce of G., then offered the pream- 
ble — proposed by him at a former stage of 
the discussion, and sustained it by some 
brief remarks. 

Mr. Booker moved to postpone the report 
and amendment until the 31st. March. Re- 
jected, Ayes 5Q. Noes QQ. 

Mr. Sims opposed the preamble at some 
length — some further discussion took place, 
in which Messrs. Bryce of Goochland, 
Witcher, Miller, Brodnax, Brown, Marshall 
and Gallaher took a part — the question was 
taken on the preamble, which was adopted 
by the following vote : 

A3^es. Messrs. Grinalds, Randolph, Per- 
singer. Garland, McCue, Brooke, Cameron, 
Faulkner, Goode of B., Wilson of B., Camp- 
bell of Brooke, Boiling, Spurlock, Rives, 
Jones, Wood of F., Bryce of F., Snidov.% 
Bryce of G., Hail, Erskine, Carskadon, Bos- 
ton, Roane, Mullen, Williams, Johnson, 
Gallaher, Berry, Sum.mers, Hooe, Allen, 
Hays, Lawson, Mcllhaney, Cordell, Cald- 
well, Smith of M. and J., Billingsly, Henry, 
Vawter. Preston, Chandler, Leigh, Fitzhugh, 
Parriott, Robertson, Hiner, Gilliland, Zinn, 
Hart, Moore, McDowell, McMahon, Cline, 
Jessee, Kilgore, Bare, Powell, Moncure, Mc- 
Coy, McCullock, Keller, Crockett, King, 
Rutherfoord, 67. 

Noes. Messrs. Banks (Speaker,) Wood of 
A., Patteson of B., Daniel, Halyburton, 
Richardson, Patteson of C, Pendleton, Broad- 
ers, Wilson of C, Brodnax, Ritchie, Ball, 
Chilton, Marshall, Stillman, Helms, Hale of 
F., Woods of Franklin, Smith of F. Smith 
of G., Spencer, Bruce, Sims, Gravelly, Jor- 
dan, Shield, Harwood, Dabney, Carter of L. 
and R., Poindexter, Street, Hudgings, Goode 
of M., Knox, Webb, Cabell, Fisher, Har- 
vey Anderson of N-, Davi?, Witcher, Sv;an- 



42 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



son, Miller, Dupuy, Land, Shands, Carter of 
P. Wm.. Carson, Cobb, Crump, Hargrave, 
Gillespie, Newton, Brown, 60. 

The question then recurred on the resolu- 
tion of the Committeo, and wa.s decided in 
the affirmative without a division — and the 
question being taken on the Report of the 
Committee as amended, it was adopted by 
the following vote — the Ayes and Noes hav- 



well of those who are now free, as of such 
as may hereafter become free ; believing 
that this effort, while it is in just accordance 
with the sentiments of the community on 
the subject, will absorb all our present 
means ; and that a further action for the re- 
moval of the slaves should await a morcv 
definite development of public opinion. 
Resolved, as the opinion of this Commit- 



ing been ordered on motion of Mr. Ritchie, j tee, that it is inexpedient, for the present 

Ayes. Messrs. Grinalds, Randolph, Per- 1 to make any Legislative enactments for the 

singer, Garland, McCue, Brooke. Cameron, j abolition of slavery. 

Faulkner, GoodeofB., Wilson of B., Carnp-: 



bell of B., Boiling, Spurlock, Rives, Jones, 
Wood of F., Bryce of F., Snidow, Bryce of 
G., Hail, Erskine, Preston, Roane, Mullen, 
Williams, .Johnson, Mayo, Gallaher, Berry, 
Summers, Hooe, Allen, Hays, Mcllhaney, 
Cordell, Caldwell, Smith of M. and J., 
Henrj', Vawter, Preston. Chandler, Leigh, 
Fitzhugh, Parriott, Robcrt'-on, Hiner, Gilli- 
land, Zinn, Hari, Moore, McDowell, .?vlc- 
Vlahon, Cliiie, Jessee, Kilgorc, Bare, Pow- 
ell, Moncure, McCoy, McCulIock, Keller, 
Crockett, King, Ruthorfoord — 6'4. 

Noes. Messrs. Bank.s (Speaker.) Wood ot 
A, Booker, Campbell of B., Pate, Gholson, 
Shell, Patteson of B.. Daniel Halyburton, 
Richardson, Patteson of C, Pendleton, 
Broadus, Wilson of C. Brodnax, Ritchie, 
Ball, Chilton, Marshall, StilimarL Helms, 
Hale of F., Woods of F., Smith of F., 
Smith of G., Spencer. Bruce, Sims, Grave- 
ly, Jordan, Shield, Harwood, Dabnej-, Car- 
ter of L. and R., Poindexter. Street, Hudg- 
jngs, Goode of M., Knox, Webb, Cabell, 
Fisher, Harvey, Anderson of N., Witcher, 
Swanson, Miller, Dupuy, Land, Shands, Car- 
ter of P. W.. Car.son, Cobb, Crump. Har- 
grave, Gillespie, Newton, Brown, 59. 

The Report as amended is as follows : 

The Select Committee, to whom was re- 
ferred certain memorials praying the pas- 
sage of a law providing i'^ir Ihe gradual abo- 
lition of slavery in ihis Commonwealth, 
h'-;.ve.. according to order, had the same 
under consideration, and submit the follow- 
rng report and resolution : 

Profoundly sensible of the great evils ari- 
sing from the condition of the colored popu- 
hilion of this Commonwealth : induced by 
humanity ay well as policv to an immediate 
Hjfort foi' tlje removal in the first place, as 



Chapter VH. 
Debate in the General Assembly of Virginia 

upon the removal of free negroes, Si'c. Mea- 
sures proposed in the House of Delegates. 

Subsiiiute of Mr. Morgan of the Senate. 

Votes upon the various propositions. 

FrabAY, .January 27///. 1832. 
•TREE NEGROES.'- 

N\\\ Biodnax, from the Committee on the 
Slaves and Free Negroes, introduced a bill 
to provide for the removal of the free per- 
sons of color iVom this Commonwealth. 

Mr. Miller said the importance of this bill 
made it proper that it should be printed. 

Mr. BrodnsK said that it had been contem- 
plated by him, that, at some appropriate 
sta'!:e of the proceedings on this bill, it would 
be necessary to print it ; but ho thought the 
principle on which tlie House would act 
should fir.st be ascertained. 

Mr. Marshall .^aid that two courses were. 
to be considered — one leading to a compul- 
sory measure lor the removal of free per- 
sons of colour, — the other a more benignant 
method of proceeding. The course which 
the House would take would, he had no 
doubt, accord with the views of the gentle- 
man from Powhatan, but that question had 
best be first acted on. 

Mr. Miller said, that if the quebtion wd> 
now before the House, whether the mea^urp 
should be compulsory or otherwise, the Com- 
mittee had better ask instructions. He was 
not now prepared for any compul.sory mea- 
sure. 

On motion ot'Mr. Brodnax.lhc Clerk pro- 
ceeded to read the bill. 

JMr. Williams said, that every gentleman 
must know the objects of this bill — and he 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



43 



thought the reading of it ought to be de- 
ferred, as the House, from the excessive 
coldness of the weather, was now very thin. 
He therefore moved to lay the bill on the 
table, which was agreed to — Ayes 45, Noes 
45 — the Speaker voting in the affirmative. 
And the bill was, on motion of Mr. Wil- 
liams, ordered to be printed. 

Monday, Jannary 30///. 1832. 

The foUow'ing resolution, reported by the 
Committee on Free Negroes, was taken up 
and agreed to : 

Resolved, That it is expedient to apply to 
the General Government to procure a terri- 
tory or territories beyond the limits of the 
United States, to which the several States 
may remove their free colored population. 

At a subsequent period of the proceedings, 
Mr. Brodnax moved the re-consideration of 
the vote on the above resolution — observing 
that it was not the intention of tjie Commit- 
tee to [)ress the consideration of this resolu- 
tion, until the bill relative to the removal of 
free persons of colour should have been ac- 
ted upon ; as it would be unnecessary to pro- 
vide a territory for their reception unless the 
Legislature should determine upon their re- 
moval. 

Messrs. Williams and Moore opposed the 
re-consideration. 

Tuesday, January 31, 1832. 

On motion of Mr. Brodnax, the bill pro- 
viding for the removal of free persons of 
color from this Commonwealth, was taken 
up, and read twice. 

Mr. Brodnax moved that the bill be com 
mitted to the whole House, and made ihe 
order of the day for Monday next. 

Mr. Witcher was opposed to referring the 
bill to the Committee of the Whole, as the 
discussion would in that case be had tAvice 
over. The House in Committee of the Whole 
was always thin; and he thought that it was 
better to allow the bill to come before the 
House, and hoped the gentleman would with- 
draw his motion. 

Mr. Brodnax .«aid it was not possible to 
suit every one ; many gentlemen were in 
favor of referring the bill to a Committee of 
the Whole, and he was among the number. 
There was one feature of the bill on which 
there was a great diversity of opinion, and 



that must be settled before the bill could be 
definitely acted upon. There was no dan- 
ger that on so interesting a subject the 
House would be thin. In case the bill was 
presented to a Committee of the Whole, it 
would not necessarily be discussed over 
twice, as, if the principle were settled, the 
remaining provisions of the bill were mere- 
ly necessary details. Gentlemen who had 
anything to say, would express themselves 
at one time or another. He should therefore 
prefer that the bill should go to a Committee 
of the Whole. 

Mr. Witcher argued that the bill had bet- 
ter be brought before the House at once, and 
the principle could there be decided on ; and 
the subject could be referred back to the 
committee which brought it in, with instruc- 
tions to bring in a bill conformably to the 
decisions of the House. 

Mr. Carter of P. W. hoped the motion 
would not be withdrawn. He should sup- 
pose that this question would not be liable 
to the objection of the gentleman from Pitt- 
sylvania, as its importance would insure a 
full attendance. It was only less important 
than the question which had already been 
discussed. If it were on the score of econ- 
om}', it was hardly applicable to a compre- 
hensive plan like this. He had heard it 
said, and he thought with justice, that the 
Legislature of Virginia often squandered 
both time and money in attempting to gel at 
the most economical way of doing things. — 
He hoped it would not be so in the present 
case. 

Mr. Witcher said he wished, if this ques- 
tion went to the Committee of the Whole, 
that the House would mark whether he or 
tlie other gentlemen were in the right. 

The question on referring to the Commit- 
tee of the Whole, was decided in the atfirm- 
ativc. and the bill was made the order of the 
day for Monday next. 

Monday, February 6, 1832. 
REMOVAL OF FREE NEGROES. 
On motion of Mr. Brodnax, the order of 
the day being a bill to provide for the remo- 
val of the free coloured population from thi.-: 
Commonwealth, was taken up, and the House 
resolved itself into a Committee of the 
Whole. xMr. Millar iu the Ghair. 



44 



The Virginian History of Jtfrican Colonization. 



Mr. Brodnax said that the main question I 
presented to the committee was the princi- j 
pie embraced in the first section of the j 
bill, whether the removal of this class of 
persons should be compulsory or not. He 
hoped, therefore, that some gentleman, op- 
posed to a compulsory measure, would move 
to amend that section, and thus bring the 
question at once before the committee. 

The following is the first section of the 
bill: 

Be it enacted, S)C. That all persons of co- 
lour within the Commonwealth, who are now 
free, or who may hereafter become free 
therein, shall, in the manner, in the order, 
under the limitations, and with the excep- 
tions hereinafter provided, be removed from 
this State to Liberia, or such place or places, 
on the western coast of Africa, as may be 
approved and designated by the Central 
Board of Commissioners for the removal of 
free persons of color, hereinafter constitut- 
ed : or to such other place or places beyond 
the limits of the United States, as may by 
law hereafter be designated ; and after such 
removal, shall be supported, in cases of in- 
dividuals destitute of the means beyond an 
extent hereinafter defined, at the expense of 
the State, for such reasonable periods of 
time, and to such amount, as hereinafter 
specified and provided. 

Mr. Campbell of Brooke moved to amend 
that section, by adding after the word ' shall' 
in the third line, these words, "with their 
own consent." 

Mr. Brodnax opposed the amendment at 
considerable length. Mr. Marshall express- 
ed himself opposed to the compulsory fea- 
ture of the bill. Mr. Fisher opposed the 
amendment. Mr. B. of G. was in favor of 
the principle of the amendment, and after 
some conversation between him and Mr. 
Campbell of Brooke, and further discussion, 
in which Messrs. Marshall, Carber of P. W., 
Brodnax, Chandler and Bryce took part, the 
latter moved to amend the amendment, so 
as to remove the compulsory operation, of 
the bill from those only who are now free 
and entitled by law to remain in the State, 
but to coerce the removal of such as are 
now within the Commonwealth, in violation 
of the laws, and such as may become free 
hereafter. 



After some further debate, the amend- 
ment to the amendment v/as rejected, and 
the question being taken on Mr. Campbell's 
motion to amend, it was agreed to — Ayes 
66, Noes 42. 

Mr. Witcher moved to strike out the first 
section of the bill, which he supported with 
some remarks — rejected : when, on motion 
of Mr. Brodnax, the committee rose and re- 
ported. 

The question then recurred in the House 
upon the adoption of the amendment of the 
committee. 

Mr. Bryce moved to amend the amend- 
ment, so as to provide that free negroes "en- 
titled by laws now in force to remain in this 
Commonwealth, shall, with their own con- 
sent, and all such who are not now allowed 
to reside here," and all who shall hereafter 
become free, shall be removed, &c. 

Mr. Morris moved the indefinite postpone- 
ment of the bill, and on his motion, the ayes 
and noes having been ordered, the vote re- 
sulted in the negative, as follows : 

Ayes. — Messrs. Campbell of Bedford, 
Spurlock, Stephenson, Hale of Franklin, 
Woods of Franklin, Wood of Frederick, 
Snidow, Hail of Grayson, Bruce, Boston, 
Johnson, Graveley, Street, Goode of Meck- 
lenburg, Knox, Billingsley, Adams, Witcher, 
Swanson, Gilliland, Zinn, Hart, Jessee, Kil- 
gore. Bare, Carson, Gillespie, Morris — 28. 

Noes. — Messrs. Banks, (speaker,) Grin- 
aids, Wood of A., Randolph, Booker, Gar- 
land, McCue, Brooke, Cameron, Faulkner, 
Goode of B., Anderson of B., Wilson of B., 
Campbell of B., Gholson, Patteson of B. 
Boiling, Rives, Daniel, Tod, Halyburton, 
Patteson of Chesterfield, Broadus, Wilson of 
Cumberland, Brodnax, Jones, Ritchie, Ball, 
Chilton, Marshall, Stillman, Smith of Fred- 
erick, Smith of Gloucester, Bryce, Ers- 
kine, Spencer, Sims, Carskadon, Roane, 
Mullen, Mays, Jordan, Shield, Gallaher, 
Berry, Summers, Harwood, Hooe, Carter of 
L. and R., Allen, Hays, Lawson, Mcllheney, 
Cordell, Caldwell, Poindexter, Hudgins, 
Smith of Mason and Jackson, Henry, Vaw- 
ter, Preston, Webb, Cabell, Chandler, Leigh, 
Fisher, Harvey, Fitzhugh, Parriott, Robert- 
son, Hiner, Miller, Dupuy, Land, Shands, 
Carter of Prince William, Moore, McDow- 
ell, McMahon, Cline, Cobb, Powell, Mon- 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



46 



cure, Crump, Hargrave, McCoy, McCullocli, 
Keller, Newton, Crockett, King;. Brown and 
Rutherfoord— 94. 

On motion of Mr. Brodnax, the bill and 
amendments were laid on the table. 

Tuesday, February 7, 1832. 
On motion of Mr. Marshall, the bill pro- 
viding for the removal of the free people of 
color from this Commonwealth, was taken 
up, witk the amendment adopted in Commit- 
tee of the Whole, and the amendment to 
that amendment offered yesterday by Mr. 
Bryce of G. 

Mr. Miller moved that the bill be recom- 
mitted to the committee which brought it in, 
with instruction so to amend the same as to 
provide for the gradual removal of the free 
people of color beyond the limits ol this 
Commonwealth : First, of those who are en- 
titled by the present laws to remain, but who 
are willing to remove ; secondly, of those 
who may be manumitted by their masters 
for the purpose of removal ; and that the 
committee further provide that such free 
people of colour as are now residing in the 
different counties of this Commonwealth 
contrary to law, and are not willing to re- 
move beyond its limits, shall be hired out 
until a sufficient sum be raised by the hire of 
each to remove him or her out of this Com- 
monwealth. 

A long discussion took place on this mo- 
tion, in which Messrs. Miller, Bryce of G., 
Marshall, Brodnax and Brown, on whose 
motion it was laid on the table. 

Discussion then arose on the amendment 
to the amendment of the Committee of the 
Whole, proposed by Mr. Bryce of G., (as 
reported yesterday, )in which Messrs. Brown, 
Bryce, Campbell of Brooke, Jones, Brodnax, 
Williams and McDowell took part, when the 
question being put, Mr. B.'s amendment was 
rejected. — Ayes 49, noes 77. 

The question then recurring on the amend- 
ment of the Committee of the Whole, after 
considerable debate, in which Messrs. Ghol- 
son. Wood of Albemarle, and Witcher took 
part, the ayes and noes were ordered, on 
motion of Mr. Roane, and the vote was as 
follows : 

Ayes. — Messrs. Drummond, Randolph, 
Persinger, McCue, Brooke, Cameron, Camp- 
bell of Bedford, Pate, Goode of Berkeley, 



Campbell of Brooke, Gholson, Patteson oi 
Buckingham, Spurlock, Rives, Daniel, Jr., 
Patteson of Chesterfield, Ball, Chilton, Mar- 
shall, Stephenson, Stillman, Hale of Frank- 
lin, Wood of Fred., Bryce of Fred., Bryce 
of Gooch., Erskine, Sims, Carskadon, Pos- 
ton, Mullen, Johnson, Gallaher, Berry, Sum- 
mers, Allen, Hays, Lawson, Mcllhaney, 
Cordell, Caldwell, Smith of Mason and Jack- 
son, Billingsly, Henry, Vawter, Preston, 
Webb, Cabell, Leigh, Parriott, Robertson, 
Hiner, Gilliland, Miller, Zinn, Dupuy, Land, 
Carter of P. Wm., Hart, McDowell, McMa- 
hon, Cline, Jessee, Bare, Carson, Cobb, 
Powell, Gillespie, McCoy, Keller, Newton, 
King— 71. 

Noes. — Messrs. Banks (Speaker) Grinalds, 
Wood of Albermarle, Booker, Garland, 
Faulkner, Anderson of Botetourt, Wilson of 
Botetourt, Boiling, Dickinson, Halyburton, 
Richardson, Pendleton, Broaders, Wilson of 
Cumberland, Brodnax, Jones, Ritchie, Helms, 
Woods of Frederick, Smith of Frederick, 
Snidow, Smith of Glou., Hail of Grayson, 
Spencer, Bruce, Roane, Williams, Gravely, 
Jordan, Shield, Harwood, Hooe, Dabney, 
Poindexter, Stre ^t, Goode of Meek., Chan- 
dler, Fisher, Harvey, Davis, Adams, Witch- 
er, Swanson, Shands, Moore, Kilgore, Mon- 
cure, Crump, Hargrave, Morris, Crockett, 
Brown, Rutherfoord — 54. 

The amendment adopted makes the first 
section of the bill read as follows : " That 
all persons of colour within this Common- 
wealth, who are now free, shall, with their 
own consent, in the manner, in the order, 
&c," be removed from this State to Liberia, 
&c. 

Mr. Williams moved to amend the 13th, 
section of the bill, by appending to it the 
following : " and that the sums to be appro- 
priated for the removal of said free persons 
of colour shall be levied on slaves and free 
negroes." Rejected. 

The motion of Mr. Miller to recommit, 
&c., (above cited) was then taken up and 
agreed to. Ayes 83, Noes 40. 

Wednesday, February 15th. 1832. 
On motion of Mr. Brodnax, the substitute 
for the bill providing for the removal of free 
persons of colour from this Commonwealth, 
was taken up. (A long and animated de- 
bate took place on the various amendments 



46 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



proposed, of which we can give only a 

brief glance at the principal points.) 

Mr. Wilson of B. moved to amend the 
substitute by striking out the words " one 
hundred thousand dollars," from the 10th 
section, (the appropriation for 1833) and to 
insert instead, fifty thousand dollars. Mr. 
W. thought that if the appropriation was so 
large, it would go in advance of public sen- 
timent. It was better to appropriate .50,000 
dollars for 1833, and the same sum for each 
year thereafter. 

Mr. Bryce proposed the division of the 
question so as to decide first upon striking 
out, which was acceded to by Mr. Wilson. 

Mr. Brodnax had no objection to the mo- 
tion, as a test whether the House was in 
earnest as to the measure. But to fill the 
blank v;ith a smaller sum, would be to des- 
troy the bill. 

Mr. Wilson of B. defended his motion. 
If too large an appropriation was made, 
propositions would probably be made next 
year to repeal the act altogether. It was 
better to effect the object bj' degrees. 

Mr. Campbell of Brooke thought public 
sentiment was in favor of efficient action. 
The additional taxation required would be 
but trifling, and would not demand that the 
taxes should be higher than they were pre- 
vious to last year. 

Mr. Bryce of G. supported the motion. 
He believed it was the object of the bill to 
remove the free negroes to Liberia. If so, a 
large sum would not be required, as he was 
informed that the Colony could not receive i 
a larger number than 30 or $40,000 would I 
remove this year, and 50 or $60,000 after- 1 
wards. j 

Mr. Daniel was in favor of the removal ; 
but the House was not sufficiently directed 
by the people to authorize the levying of 
heavy taxes for this object. It ought to be 
deferred until next year. He was therefore 
in favour of striking out. 

The motion was then agreed to. 

Mr. Crockett moved to fill the blank with 
$90,000. He thought the original sum was 
not too much. He believed the gentleman 
from Botetourt v/as mistaken as to the course 
of public sentiment, and that this measure 
ought to be made effectual. 

Mr- Preston said that he should vote 



against the proposition, and should also 
move to strike out the provision for an an- 
nual appropriation of $200,000 after 1833. 
Future Legislature ought not to be pledged 
by this act, and a small sum ought to be ap- 
propriated until it was ascertained what 
amount would be required. He did not 
know that his constituents would agree to 
the taxation of all description of property 
for this object. H he should represent them 
next year, he should know their views and 
could act accordingly. 

Mr. Marshall said that there was a blank 
for the sum to be appropriated this year, and 
the sum for 1833 would be perfectly under/ 
the control of the next year's Legislature.! 
They could reduce it if too large. He thoughlj 
with the gentleman from Montgomery, that 
the sum of $200,000 for after years ought 
to be struck out and left blank. An appro- 
priation for 1833 was necessary to carry out 
the plan. 

Mr. Carter of P. W. said, if less than 
$90,000 was inserted, it would nullify the 
bill. A friend of his had said the other 
day, that he was friendly to the measure, if 
he could be assured that all the free negroes 
would be removed ; but he was opposed to 
the removal of a part. Mr. C. observed 
that this was an experiment and if it suc- 
ceeded, the whole would be removed. 

Mr. Preston thought the very argument of 
the gentleman from P. W. afforded reasons 
for confining the appropriation to a small 
amount. This was, as was said by that gen- 
tleman, merely an experiment, and until it 
had been tested, the State ought not to em- 
bark too deeply in it. 

Mr. Brodnax said, that the plan could not 
be effected without means. He thought 
that gentlemen did not act consistently, who 
had opposed the coercive plan, upon the 
supposition, that sufficient numbers would be 
willing to go, and now wished to deny the 
means of deporting those who should be 
willing. It was not proposed to send them 
to Liberia alone, as other places were con- 
templated. All that was v/anted was money, ' 
the lever which Archimides wanted to lift 
the world. The taxes required would not be 
too heavy. Mr. B. made some statements 
by which he computed, that about 1.5 cents 
on each freeholder would compass the whole 



The Virginian History of African Colonization ■ 



47 



amount. He believed the people were in i through the country and preach up the re- 
favour of the measure, and would not re- moval, were to be paid. 



fuse to supply tlie means. 

Mr. Wilson of B. made some explanations 
and opposed the motion of Mr. Crockett. 

Mr. Campbell of Brooke expressed a be- 
lief that the people would sustain the mea- 
sure. He illustrated the position that the 
additional taxation required for this object 
would not be heavily felt,— it would be in 
the ratio of 2 cents addition on a horse. He 
wished this measure to be the stepping stone 
to a greater object. 

Mr. Bryce asked what was to be done 
with $90,000 if it were appropriated. He 
replied to the remark of Mr. Brodnax as to 
the consistency of those who wished to re- 
duce the amount. He did not think coer- 
cion necessary, nor did he think $100,000 
necessary. He thought the statement of the 
gentleman from P. W., that this was an ex- 
periment, correct, and he therefore argued 
that the appropriation need not be so large 
as was proposed. 

Mr. Brodnax rejoined. 
Mr. Carter of P. W., explained his previ- 
ous remarks. He had said that this was to 
be an experiment, but it would be to insure 
its failure, to refuse sufficient means. If the 
whole amount appropriated was not needed, 
the surplus would remain in the Treasury. 
Mr, Crockett .said that they had gone on 
thus far, without a formal consultation of 
public opinion, and he believed in accor- 
dance with the wishes of the people; nor 
did he think they would complain nl the ne- 
cessary appropriations. 



Mr. Bryce of G. said he had been informed 
that the Colony at Liberia could not receive 
over 600 individuals this year, and double 
that number next year. 

^Ir. Marshall said he had been informed 
that 1000 could be received this year, 2000 
next year, and 3000 the year after. 

Mr. Bryce said he believed the numbers 
stated by the gentleman from Fauquier in- 
cluded the whole number from the United 
States. Mr. B's statement included only 
those which could be received from Vir- 
ginia. He could not say what would be 
the compensation of agents ; but he believed 
those attached to the Colonization Society 
would receive nothing. Mr. B. considered 
the computation of $35, per capita for de- 
portation &c., too small. 

Mr. Marshall said that the computation of 
the gentleman from Goochland was founded 
upon the consideration of the capacity of the 
colony to receive emigrants in its present 
condition ; but if the State of Virginia en- 
tered into this measure, its means would at 
once be increased. Whatever sum was ap- 
propriated, it was absolutely necessary that 
provision should be made for the protection 
of the colonists against the sun and rain after 
their arrival. He believed that $35, would 
be amply sufficient for each emigrant. Tf 
Virginia joined in aid of the Society, there 
was no knowing how much money would be 
usefully employed. For this reason, he 
wished that the sum of $80,000 might be in- 
serted. 

Mr. Summer;; should vote for the motion 



Mr. Bolhng stated many considerations j ^f ^j^e ^-entleman from Wythe. He shou'd 



on which they ought to remove the free ne- 
groes. Ample means for the object ought 
to be provided. He felt chagrined that gen- 
tlemen who had warmly advocated a much 
greater enterprise should now recoil at this 
comparatively trifling measure. 



have voted for one hundred thousand dol- 
lars, and indeed for a larger sum. He held 
it expedient, in commencing such a plan, that 
amole means should be provided. The ob- 
ject was not only to remove free negroes, 
but to encourage manumission throughout 



Mr. Preston rejoined, and some expiana-ithe United States, and pave the way to the 
tions took place between Messrs. Boliin;;; and ! ultimate removal of Ihe slaves themselves. 
Preston. iln commencing such a scheme, Virgiaia 

Mr. Witcher had heard the o-entieraan' should shew to the Vv-orld she was now in 
from Goochland ask hov>; $90,000 were to ^ earnest. She should not put her foot into 
be expended — and Mr. W'. asked how $60, the water and draw back again, but launch 
000 were to be applied, and how much the 'forth with boldness and energy. He believed 
agents, who were to be appointed to go there was no want of persons who were 



48 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



willing to go, and he was of opinion that a 
sufficient number of Colonists could be ob- 
tained from this city, to absorb the whole 
$90,000. 

The question being then taken upon Mr. 
Crockett's motion, it was decided in the af- 
firmative. 

Ayes 67, Noes 54. 

Mr. Brown moved to amend the bill by 
striking out the 5th. and 7th. sections which 
provide for the removal of slaves manumit- 
ted by their masters, without a provision for 
their removal. He was in favor of remo- 
ving all the free negroes, but when it was 
considered that the whole of our disposable 
funds would be absorbed for the next ten 
years, by the removal of those already free, 
he was opposed to increasing the class, by 
allowing owners to manumit their slaves 
with no provision made for their removal. 
Mr. Brown \vent at length into various I'ea- 
sons for his motion. 

Mr. Campbell of Brooke hoped the mo- 
tion would not prevail. If it did, unless he 
were convinced of its expediency by future 
reasoning, he should go against the whole 
bill. To strike out these provisions would 
have the effect entirely to prevent manumis- 
sion. 

Mr. Marshall said that the bill provided 
that no slave should be manumitted without 
immediate measures taken for his deporta- 
tion. To strike out these sections would 
have the effect to discourage manumission 
Avith deportation. If manumitted without 
the means of removal, it Avas declared that 
they should be hired out until the sum 
should have been raised. In no case were 
they to remain as freemen in the State. 

Mr. Gholson supported at considerable 
length the motion of Mr. Brown. It was in- 
tended to make it incumbent on those, who 
emancipated their slaves, to provide means 
for their removal, and to do away the hiring 
out by the public agents. It would be far 
better foi /^ master, when he determined 
to manumi nis slave, to retain him for a 
time sufficient to raise from his labour the 
sum required for his deportation. This 
would cause them to be removed immediately 
on becoming free. In most instances, the 
emancipator Ava? able to pay for their reino- 
moval . 



Mr. Brodnax warned gentlemen, if the3' 
pressed this motion, that it would jeopardise 
the bill. He did not agree wuth the gentle- 
man from Brunswick, that the emancipator 
would generally be able to pay for their de- 
portation. There were many Avho would 
manumit their slaves, if means for their re- 
moval were furnished by the State, but who 
could not, with the additional burthen of re- 
moval. He hoped the gentleman would not 
press the amendment, or that the House 
would object it. 

The motion to amend was then decided in 
the negative. Ayes 41, Noes 60. 

Mr. Goode moved to strike from the 10th. 
section, after the appropriation for 1833, the 
provision for $200,000 annually thereafter, 
which was assented to by Mr. Marshall and 
Mr. Brodnax, who said that this sum was in- 
serted by the Committee to carry out their 
plan ; but as that plan had been deranged by 
previous amendments, he should vote for 
this motion. Agreed to. 

Mr. Marshall moved to fill the blank in 
the 10th. section, for an appropriation for the 
present year, with $35,000, as he had been 
told by the gentleman at the head of the 
Committee of Finance, that a surplus of 
that amount was in the Treasur}^ and could 
be appropriated without resorting to taxation. 

Mr. Bryce of G., (Chairman of the Com- 
mittee of Finance) said that the sum could 
be appropriated, and he believed it would be 
ampl}^ sufficient for the present j^ear. Agreed 
to. 

On motion of Mr. Bryce of G., a blank in 
the 10th. section, providing a sum for the 
erection of places of shelter for the recep- 
tion of the colonists at Liberia, was filled 
with It), 000 dollars. (This is part of the 
35,000 dollars and not extra appropriation. 

The motion to amend was adopted. 

An amendment w^as also adopted leav- 
ing the sum to be paid for the deportation of 
each colonist discretionary with the Central 
Board of Commissioners — and a motion of 
Mr. Witcher to strike out the clause, em- 
powering the Board to pay a reasonable com- 
pensation to agents &c., was rejected. 

On motion of Mr. Bryce of G., the first 
section was amended, by striking out after 
the word •' removed" these words, "to Li- 
beria or Luch other place or places on the 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



49 



Western Coast of Africa," and inserting in 
their stead these words: "beyond the lim- 
its of the United States, to such places as 
may be approved and designated by the 
Central Board,"' Sec, so as to make the choice 
of places to which they shall be sent, dis- 
cretionary with the Board. 

Various other amendments of minor im- 
portance were adopted, when the substitute 
as amended, was agreed to, and ordered to 
be engrossed for a third reading. 

Thursday, February Itiih, 1832. 

The engrossed bill to provide for the re- 
moval of free persons of colour from this 
Commonv/ealth was read a third time ; and 
the Ayes and Noes having been ordered, on 
motion of Mr. Helms, it was passed by the 
following vote : 

Ayes. Messrs. Banks (Speaker) Grinalds, 
Randolph, Booker, Garland, McCue, Brooke, 
Cameron, Campbell of B., Pate, Anderson 
of B., Wilson of B., Campbell of B., Ghol- 
son. Shell, Patteson of B., Boiling, Daniel, 
Dickinson, Halyburton, Patteson of C, Wil- 
son of C, Jones, Ritchie, Ball, Marshall, 
Stillman, Wood of F., Bryce of F., Smith of 
F., Smith of G., Bryce of G., Erskine, Spen- 
cer, Sims, Roane, Jordan, Shield, Gallaher, 
Berry, Summers, Harwood, Carter of S. and 
R., Allen, Hays, Lawson, Mcllhaney, Cor- 
dell, Caldwell, Poindexter, Hudgings, Smith 
of M. and J., Vawter, Preston, Vv^'ebb, Chan- 
dler, Leigh, Fisher, Harvey, Parriott, Rob- 
ertson, Miller, Dupuy, Land, Shands, Carter 
of P. W., McDowell, McMahon, Cobb, Pow- 
ell, Moncure, Hargrave, Keller, Newton, 
Crockett, King, Rutherfoord, Rives, Brod- 
nax, 79. 

Noes. — Messrs. Parsinger, Good of B., 
Spurlock, Richardson, Pendleton of C, 
Broadus, Chilton, Stephenson, Helms, Hale 
of F., Snidow, Hail of G., Bruce, Carska- 
don, Boston, Mullen, Johnson, Graveley, 
Street, Goode of Isl., Knox, Billingsly, Hen- 
ry, Byrne, Fitzhugh, Davis, Adams, Hiner, 
Witcher, Swanson, Gilliland, Zinn, Cline. 
Jesse, Kilgore, Bare, Carson, Gillespie, Mc- 
Coy, McCullock, 41. 



AN ACT, 

Providing for the removal of free persona of 
colour from this Commonwealth. 
Be it enacted by the General Assemblj', 
that such of the free persons of colour in 
this Commonwealth, as shall hereinafter be 
designated and classified for the purpose, 
shall, in the manner, in the order, and under 
the regulation hereinafter provided, he re- 
moved from Virginia to Liberia, or to such 
other place or places beyond the limits of 
the United States, as may be approved and 
designated by the Central Board of Commis- 
sioners hereinafter constituted ; and suppor- 
ted for such reasonable time, and to such 
amount, as hereinafter specified and provi- 
ded at the expense of the State. 

2. For the purpose of supervising and 
regulating the necessary arrangements and 
operations for effecting the objects of this act. 
the Governor, the members of the Council 
of State, and the Treasurer, for the time be- 
ing, shall be, and they are hereby constitu- 
ted ex-offices, a Board of Commissioners, to 
be called and designated " The Central 
Board of Commissioners for the removal of 
free persons of colour," of whom the Gov- 
ernor shall be President, and any three of 
whom shall be a quorum, with power and 
authority to discharge and perform any or 
all of the duties prescribed by this act, or 
which may hereafter be assigned to the 
Board by law. 

3. The said Central Board of Commission- 
ers shall have power and authority to ap- 
point and employ agents resident in Nor- 
folk, Richmond, Petersburg, or other conve- 
nient places in the State, as they may find it 
convenient and necessary, for the purpose of 
chartering vessels, procuring necessary sup- 
plies, collecting and shipping emigrants, su- 
perintending their embarkation, selecting 
among a superabundant number of applicants 
for transportation the proper descriptions 
and classes of those to be preferred ; or per- 
forming any other duties, deemed by the 
said Board essential to effect the objects of 
this act. And the said Central Board of 
commissioners shall have power, either di- 
rectly, or through their agents, to contract on 
the part of the State with any individual, 
company or society, for the transportation of 
the said free persons of colour, or any of 



50 



Th« Virginian Histmy of ^ifrican Colonization. 



them, and their temporarj' support thereaf- 
tpr, as hereinafter provided, and by their or- 
der to draw t'rom the public treasury, to be 
audited and paid, as other public expendi- 
tures are now required hy law to be settled, 
from time to time, as the purposes of this 
act may render it necessary, any sum or 
sums of money not exceeding the annual 
appropriation by law for the then current 
year for the purposes aforesaid. And the 
.-aid Board of Commissioners shall also have 
pov;er to prescribe and define, in orders for 
that purpose, to such subordinate agents, the 
particular duties to be performed by either 
or all of them, and require such returns of 
(he manner in which they shall have res- 
pectively performed their duties, as the said 
Hoard may deem expedient. And the said 
Commissioners, or their agents, shall have 
power to require and take from any person 
or pei-sons, entrusted with money or goods 
for any purposes prescribed herein, bonds 
under such penalties, and with such condi- 
tions and securities, as they may deem best 
calculated to enforce the due execution of 
the trusts confided to them. And the said 
Board of Commissioners shall also have full 
power and authority to take from an agent, 
or agents, to whom funds are confided, or 
by whom other duties are assumed, bonds 
with such penalties, conditions and securi- 
ties as aforesaid, as they may deem it expe- 
dient to require. 

4. The said subordinate agents shall, un- 
til provision be made by law for a regular 
compensation for their services, receive such 
'imount annually, as the said Central Board 
'hall deem it reasonable and just to allow, 
f.o be paid on their order, and of the annual 
appropriations hereinafter provided. 

5. In effecting the removal of free per- 
ons of colour as aforesaid, the appropriation 

for each year shall be exclusively applied in 
f.he first instance, to the removal and subse- 
rjuenf. temporary support as hereinafter pro- 
vided, of those free negroes and mulattoes, 
who are entitled by existinglaws of the State 
to remain in it, but who voluntarily consent 
to remove, and apply to the said Central 
Board, or its agents, for the means of trans- 
portation. The next class which shall be 
preferred for deportation, after all the appli- 
cants cf the former class at anv time shall 



have been provided for, shall consist of such 
free persons of colour, as are now residing 
in the Commonwealth contrary to law, but 
these shall in like manner be exhausted; the 
next class, which shall be selected, shall 
consist of those who may hereafter be man- 
umitted for the purpose, but for whose re- 
moval, the former owner shall have made no 
provision. Those negroes and mulattoes 
v.'ho may hereafter be emancipated for the 
purpose, and for whose removal and tempo- 
rary support tlie former owner shall have pro- 
vided sufficient means, and those who not 
being entitled to remiain in the State, but not 
consenting to remove, shall have been hired 
out until a suHicient sum is raised to defray 
the expenses of their removal, and subse- 
quent temporar}- support as aforesaid, as 
herein provided, shall bo removed by the 
Board, as soon as they mav find it practica- 
ble and convenient. 

6. Every free negro and mulatto, hereto- 
fore emancipated, and now remaining in tfeis 
Commonwealth contrary to law. and their 
descendants so remaining, but failing to con- 
sent to be transported, as aforesaid, shall, by 
order of the Court of the county or corpora- 
tion, in which they or any of them may be 
found, be hired out by the Sheriff, Sergeant 
or other proper officer, for such time as will 
raise a sum sufficient to defray the amount 
of expenses, as estimated, from time to time 
by the Central Board of Commissioners, nc 
cessary for his, her, or their transportation, 
and subsequent temporary support as afore- 
said, provided such time do not exceed two 
years ; and the amount so raised shall regu- 
larly, as may be prescribed by the said Boar(i 
of Commissioners, be accounted for and paid 
by such sheriffs. Sergeants or other officer-, 
to such agent oragents of the said Board, as 
may be appointed to receive it, with a state 
ment of the names of the individuals fro!i* 
whose hire every item was raised. And 
every sheriff, Sergeant or other officer, who 
shall fail so to account for and pay !?uch 
hire, when required so to do, by the said 
Central Board, or any authorized agent, shall 
•forfeit and pay the sum of five hundred dol- 
lars, to be recovered on motion, after ten 
days notice b}^ the ."aid Board, or any of it.« 
agents, for the use of the Board, before any 
Court of record withm v/hose territorial ju- 



The Virginian History of African Colonization* 



51 



risdiction such officer shall reside. Every 
free negro and mulatto, who shall thus have 
been hired for two years, but the amount of 
whoie hires shall not be equal to the estima- 
ted expenses of transportation and subse- 
quent temporary support as aforesaid ; and 
all such females or children, as would not 
hire lor any amount, or whose support would 
be chargeable, shall be forthwith removed as 
aforesaid, at the charge of the Commonwealth, 
next in order to the class secondly herein- 
before designated, provided, that no male 
above the age of forty five years, or female 
above the age of forty years, shall be trans- 
ported without his or her free consent, un- 
less the court of the county or corporation 
in which he or she resides, shall order his or 
her removal ; and provided also, that no 
husband and wife shall be separated, though 
they belong to different classes as above enu- 
merated, where each is willing to be re- 
moved ; and in all cases where parents of 
any age are transported, their children un- 
der the age of sixteen if males, and fourteen 
if females, shall be removed with them. 
And the said Central Board of Commission- 
ers shall have power, directly, or through its 
agents as aforesaid, to exercise a sound and 
humane discretion, as to the inclusion or ex- 
clusion of any particular individuals, in any 
particular shipment, and so to order and reg- 
ulate all m.atters connected with the duties 
lierein prescribed, as may, in theirjudgment, 
be best calculated to effect the great objects 
of this act. 

7. And when any free persons of colour, 
belonging to the third class above enumera- 
ted, being such as shall have been hereafter 
emancipated for the purpose of transporta- 
tion, but for whose removal the former own- 
er shall have made no provision, cannot be 
re:noved by the said Board of Commission- 
ers, or their agents, by reason of the two 
previous classes entitled toprefercnce having 
consumed, in their removal and subsequent 
temporary support, the whole sum appropri- 
ated by law for the then current year, the 
said free persons of colour shall then be 
hired out, in tiic .-ame manner, and by the 
same officers a^- herein before provided, and 
under the same liabilities and accountabili- 
ties, for such time not exceeding two years, 
as to enable the hires, together with any sub- 



sequent appropriation at the disposal of the 
said Commissioners, not pre-occupied by 
previous classes, to amount to a sum suffi- 
cient to effect the removal and subsequent 
temporary support of the said free persons of 
colour ; whereupon they shall be transported 
as in other cases. 

8. And for a declaration of what tempo- 
rary support, immediately subsequent to 
transportation, shall be provided, and !br 
what period of time it shall be continued to 
the emigrants as aforesaid : Be it further 
enacted, that the said Central Board of com- 
missioners, shall have authority through 
their agents aforesaid, or any of them, to 
furnish either to the emigrants in per.«ion, or 
to such officer or other person, about to go 
with the said emigrants, and for theii- tem- 
porary support and accommodation on their 
arrival at the port of their destination, either 
money, clothing, food, tools of trade, or 
other necessary articles, in whole or in part, 
deemed more useful to them, to such aii 
amount as the said Board may designate. 

9. The said Board shall also have author- 
ity to advance, from time to time, out ot' 
each annual appropriation, any sum not ex- 
ceeding ten thousand dollars, for the erec- 
tion of receptacles or temporary shelter.- for 
the accommodation and comfort of the emi- 

Urants on their arrival at the places to which 
I they shall be removed. 

i 10. The sums of money hereinafter appro- 
jpriated shall be disbursed under the authori- 
jty in this act prescribed, in the removal ami 

subsequent temporary support as aforesaid, 
jof as many free persons of colour, annually, 
[having due regard to the classification as 

aforesaid, as can for those amounts be so 
'transported and temporarily supported. And 
I for the purpose of carrying into execution 

the various purposes of this act, the sum ol 
'thirty five thousand dollars -ihall be, and th* 
i same is hereby appropriated, to be applied 
I to these purposes during the present year, 
ISO far, as in the opinion of the said Board o( 
i Commissioners, the same can be judiciously 
.applied to thcui within the year- The ^uH) 
iof ninety thousand dollars shall be, and thi- 

same is hereby appropriated, to be applied ti' 
I these purposes, in and for the year one thou- 
j sand eight hundred and thirty three. And 
I if in tlie upinion of thft <aid iioaid ct (*otri- 



52 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



missioners, the sum appropriated, for any 
given year, cannot judiciously and advanta- 
geously be used and applied during the year 
to the objects aforesaid, or if any portion 
thereof shall from any cause remain une.x- 
pended in any one year, the unexpended 
l)a!ance shall be carried forward as an addi- 
tion to, and liable to disbursement, v;ith the 
appropriation of the succeeding year. 

This act shall commence and be in force 
from and after the passage thereof 

SENATE OF VIRGINIA. 

Feb. 21. Mr. Dromgoole reported that the 
committee had considered the bill providing 
for the removal of free persons of color and 
made an amendment thereto. 

Feb. 21t/i. The bill was taken up and a 
substitute proposed by Mr. Morgan and also 
amendments by Messrs. Dromgoole and Hun- 
ton, of which 185 copies were ordered to be 
printed. Substitue. 

March 5th. Mr. Booker moved the inde- 
finite postponement of the bill. Upon this 
motion the ayes and noes were demanded. 

Jlr/es. Thorn. Campbell, Nat. Alexander, 
Geo. Booker, Jos. Wyatt, E. Boyd, George 
Cowan and Jes. Edgington. 

.^^e?. W. C. Holt (Speaker,) S. H. Par- 
ker, Ch. Cocke, Ch. Hunton, D. W. Patter- 
son, J. Pennybacher, C. S. Morgan, F. E. 
Rives, J. G. Joynes, L. T. Dade, H. L. Opie, 
D. McComas, A. Beirne, J. B. Harvie, W. 
Basye, J. Cravens, J. M. Whoster, Geo. C. 
Dromgoole, Wm. Armistead, H. G. Winston, 
Wm. M. McCarty, C Beale and Wm Mc- 
Comas. 

Mr. Dromgoole moved to amend the 5th 
section of said bill by striking out the fol- 
lowing words : " When these shall in like 
manner be executed, the next class which 
shall be selected shall consist of those who 
shall hereafter be manumitted for the pur- 
pose, but for whose removal the former own- 
er shall have made no provision." Disagreed 
to by equal division, ayes 15, noes ^5. Mr. 
Dromgoole moved to amend the 5th section 
by striking out the following words, '■ Who 
may hereafter be emancipated for the pur- 
pose, and for whose removal and temporary 
subsequent support the former owner shall 
have provided sufficient means. Disagreed 
to, aves 16, noes 17. Mr. Harvie moved to 



strike out from 6th section the word " shall," 
and insert in lieu thereof the word " may." 
Ayes 5, noes 26. 

Mr. Booker moved to strike out from 5th 
section these words, " The next class which 
shall be preferred for exportation, after all 
the applicants of the former class at any time 
shall have been provided for, shall consist of 
such free persons of color as are now resi- 
ding in the Commonwealth contrary to law. 
but who may consent to be transported.'" 
Ayes 11, noes 20. 

March lih. Mr. Dromgoole moved to 
strike out from the fifth section of the bill 
these words, " And those who not being en- 
titled to remain in the State, but not consent- 
ing to remove, shall have been hired out un- 
til a sufficient sum is raised to defray the ex- 
penses of their removal and subsequent tem- 
porary support as aforesaid as herein provi- 
ded " Ayes 14, noes 16. 

Mr. Booker moved to strike out the 10th 
section of said bill. Mr. Rives moved to 
amend said proposed amendment by striking 
out from said section the word ninety. Ayes 
27, noes 4. Mr. Winston moved to insert 
the word fifty. Ayes 17, noes 14. 

Mr. Rives moved to strike out the words 
fifty thousand dollars is hereb}^ appropriated 
to be applied to these purposes for the year 
1833. Ayes 12, noes 19. 

The que.stion then recurring on the motion 
to strike out the 10th section, it v.'as disa- 
greed to. Ayes 9, noes 22. 

Mr. Hanson proposed to amend by insert- 
ina: after the 5th section the following words. 
" Whenever application shall be made to said 
central Board for aid in the removal of any 
free persons of color, either directly or 
through any Agent of the saia Board, such 
application shall be accompanied with a par- 
ticular statement of the age and sex of the 
class to which they belong, and of the coun- 
ties in which they reside. 

" It shall be the duty of the said Board to 
keep a correct list of all such applicants, and 
in the expenditure of the fund hereinafter to 
be provided, to apportion the disbursement 
as nearly as may be consistently with the 
other provisions of this act, among the sev- 
eral counties, cities. Sec, of this Common- 
wealth, from which such applications shall 
proceed according to their free colored popu- 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



lation respectively." Agreed to, ayes 16, 
noes 13. 

Mr. Joynes proposed further to amend the 
bill by inserting after the 6th section this 
proviso, That nothing in this act shall be 
construed to repeal any part of the act of the 
7th of April, 1831, concerning slaves, free 
negroes and mulattoes. 

Mr. Patterson moved to amend the 6th 
section, by striking out from the word ' shall,' 
after the word 'aforesaid' included, and in- 
serting in lieu thereof the following : ' Be 
proceeded against in all respects as directed 
by the provisions of the act of the 7th of 
April, 1831.' Agreed to. 

March lOtk. On motion of Mr. McComas, 
the vote rejecting Mr. Dromgoole's amend- 
ment of March 7th, was re-considered and 
the amendment was adopted. Ayes 17, noes 
13. 

On motion of Mr. Dromgoole the 7th sec- 
tion was stricken out. 

Mr. Patterson moved to amend said bill by 
inserting in lieu of the 7th section the fol- 
lowing: " No slave shall hereafter be eman- 
cipated for any purpose, except upon the con- 
ditions &.C. of the act of the 7th of April, 
1831, concerning slaves, free negroes and 
mulattoes, and if any shall be emancipated 
contrary to the provisions thereof to take 
effect after the death of the testator without 
any power for transportation of such manu- 
mitted slave, the legal representative shall, 
if there be no other lien by law on the liber- 
ty of such emancipated slave, hire out him, 
her or them until a sufficient sum shall be 
received for the transportation and support 
of any free person of color. Provided that 
said Board shall in no case pay for the trans- 
portation of any free person of color who 
nhall be able to pay these expenses out of his 
own resources. Disagreed to, ayes 13, noes 
17. 

Mr. Morgan offered the following substi° 
tute : 

Be it enacted by the General Assembly of 
Virginia, That such of the free negroes and 
mulattoes in the Commonwealth, desiring to 
move beyond the limits of the United States, 
as the courts of the counties and corpora- 
tions, respectively, within which they may 
reside shall think proper to provide for, shall 
be removed to such place or places, beyond 



the limits of the United States, as the Gov- 
ernor shall designate, and be supported after 
their removal for a reasonable time, at the 
expense of the counties and corporations, re- 
spectively, from whence they shall have been 
so removed ; and the manner, regulations 
and conditions for the removal, and subse- 
quent temporary support of such persons, 
shall be presented by the Governor. 

2nd. It shall be the duty of each county 
and corporation court, in the month of May, 
in every year, to consider and decide on the 
propriety of providing for the removal and 
subsequent temporary support of such of the 
free negroes and mulattoes, as in the opinion 
of the court ought to be removed with their 
own consent. The court shall decide that 
they will or will not provide for the removal 
aforesaid, and their determination shall be 
entered of record and be final for that year. 
If it shall be their determination to provide 
for the removal of any of the said persons, 
they shall make an order declaring what 
classes and description of free negroes, and 
mulattoes shall be removed at public expense, 
what number of persons they will provide 
for that year, and the amount of money they 
will allow for the removal and temporary 
support of each person, which shall in no 
case be less than $30 00. And it shall be 
the duty of the clerk to register in a book to 
be provided and kept for that purpose, the 
name and description of each person who 
shall apply, at any time before, or during the 
next succeeding term of the court, at which 
said next term, it shall be t.he duty of the 
court to ascertain the number of the appli- 
cants, their classes and descriptions ; and if 
there be more than were authorised at the 
preceding term, or any not coming within 
the classes and descriptions so authorised, 
they shall designate among the applicants 
those to be removed ; and immediately levy 
on the subjects of taxation within the county 
or corporation by a fair and equal perientum, 
on the amount of the public revenue for that 
year, a sum sufficient to effect the objects 
aforesaid, and to defray the expenses of pro- 
viding for, collecting, and paying the money 
so levied into the treasury of the State. The 
clerk shall as soon as practicable thereafter, 
under the order and instruction of the court, 
deliver to tlie sheriff, or other collector of 



54 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



the money so levied, as shall be necessary 
to enable him to collect the same ; and also 
transmit to the auditor of public accounts a 
copy thereof, to enable him to settle with the 
sheriff or collector, and also transmit to the 
Governor a copy of the register of the per- 
sons to be transported. For the services the 
court shall make tj\e clerk a reasonable al- 
lowance, to be certilied and paid on the or- 
der of the Governor, out of the money after 
it shall have been received in the treasury. 
The sheriff or other collector shall have the 
same power and authority to enforce the pay- 
ment of the said levy, be allowed the same 
commi.-sions for the collections and payment 
into the treasuiy, at the time of paying the 
revenue, and be under the same responsi- 
bilities, fines and penalties, by motion or 
otherwise, Avhich noAv are or hereafter may 
be, provided b}' law in relation to the collec- 
tion and payment of the public revenue. 

3d. The auditor of public accounts, and 
the treasurer shall open separate books and 
accounts for the transportation fund. They 
shall charge this fund with all sums of money 
paid for the purpose of being applied under 
the provisions of this act, whether the same 
shall have been raised by levy as aforesaid 
or by donation, and it shall be credited by all 
sums disbursed under the orders of the Gov- 
ernor. There shall be separate accounts 
opened between each county and corpora- 
tion and the fund, so as to exhibit at all times 
the exact amount of money received to the 
credit of each county and corporation, nnd 
also the amount disbursed for the transporta- 
tion of free negroes and mulattoes there- 
from. The treasurer shall receive all mo- 
nies which shall be paid into tlic said fund, 
and account for, and pay the same in the 
warrants of the auditor of public accounts. 
The whole fund bhall be under the direction 
and control of the Governor, for the benefit 
of the emigrante, and in the administration 
thereof he shall apply the money paid in 
from each county and corporation as nearly 
as practicable for the removal and temporary 
support of the emigrants from them respec- 
tively, in such manner as in his opinion will 
be best calculated io etrecl the objects in 
view. 

'Uh. The Governor shall have full power 
and authority to appoint as many agents, to 



be compensated out of the transportation 
fund, as shall be proper for the purpose of 
collecting the emigrants, chartering vessels 
and doing and performing all things necessa- 
ry in relation to the removal of the persons 
aforesaid, to such place or places beyond the 
limits of the United States, as he shall desig- 
nate, and for their subsequent support for 
such reasonable time thereafter as he may 
think proper. The Governor by himself, and 
his agents, shall have full power and author- 
ity to make, and by all legal ways and means 
to enforce all contracts necessary and proper 
to effect the transportation and support of the 
persons aforesaid, and in so doing to use or 
pledge the transportation fund as to him may 
seem proper. 

5th. The Governor shall, as far as practi- 
cable, cause to be removed all persons who 
shall have applied to the courts and Leen 
provided for by levy ; but should the levy 
of any county or corporation be insufficient 
for the removal and temporary support of 
the number of persons admitted by the court, 
the Governor or some agent shall determine 
who among the applicants shall be removed ; 
and if from any cause persons provided fur 
shall not be removed, the court shall admit 
and order the removal of an equal number 
of other free negroes and mulattoes. 

6th. It shall be the duty of the Governor 
of this Commonwealth, as soon as practica- 
ble, to open a correspondence w'lih. the Pres- 
ident of the United States to ascertain from 
the latter all the information he may be 
pleased to communicate in relation to the 
state and condition of the inhabitants of the 
Western Coast and interior of Africa, the 
quality and products ol" the soil, the general 
character of the country, and its adaptation 
to improvements and the art of civilization, 
the situation and magnitude of its Capa., 
Bays and Rivers, and the character of the 
climate, and such other information as in hi.-- 
opinion n?3y be calculated to show the prac- 
ticability and propriety of colonizing fret- 
negroes and muiattoes; and to ascertain what 
part of the country, if any, may be occupied 
for that purpc^e, consistent with the rela- 
tions between the United States and foreign 
nations. Stales and Powers, and if no part 
sustained for that purpose can now be occu- 
pied, consistent with the present relations be- 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



55 



tween the United States and foreign Nations, 
States and Powers, whether any, and if any, 
what part may be procured tor that purpose, 
and the time, manner and terms thereof; 
which correspondence and information, when 
procured, the Governor shall lay before the 
General Assembly." 

And on the question being put thereupon, 
it was disagreed to by the Senate — Ayes 15, 
noes 16. 

Extract from the journal of the Senate, 
March 10th, 1832. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Causes and results of the abolition debate in 
the General ^dssembly of Virginia in the 
session of 1831-32; its effect upon public 
opinion and upon the cause of African Col- 
onization in Virginia . Letters of Jeffer- 
son, Madison and .Marshall. Views of B. 
Wutkins Leigh and Professor Deir. S\'c. 

We have now reached a stand-point 
whence we can look calmly around ns, and 
form a just estimate of the causes and eflects 
of the debate upon the gradual abolition of 
slavery in Virginia. We repeat that in our 
opinion, we should not judge the past by 
the lights of the present generation. That 
was the culminating point — the llood tide of 
anti-slavery feeling which had been gradually 
rising for more than a century in Virginia 
and was then precipitated upon us before its 
lime by the South-Hampton convulsion. 

Great Britain was engaged hi the slave 
trade belore the Colony of Virginia was 
planted. Queen Elizabeth, Charles I. and II, 
James II. and William III. all encouraged it. 

Virginia was among the foremost in wnr- 
ring against it. Judge H. St. George Tuck- 
er of Williamsburg, in his notes on Black- 
stone's Commentaries, has collected twenty- 
three acts of Assembly imposing duties on 
the importation of slaves from 1669 to 1772. 
In the latter year most of these acts were 
re-enacted and the Assembly presented aj 
petition to the throne earnestly imploring I 
the "paternal assistance" of his Britannic I °" ^^'^ P^°P°^''^^^" was, ayes-xYew Hamp- 
majesty to avert from the Colony the •■ great '^^^ire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, 
calamity" arising from the importation of | ^"""' Carolina, North Carolina. Georgia, 
slaves, " a trade of iireat inhumanilv," and ^oe^~- Virginia, New Jersey, Pelln^yIvania 



In the first draft of the Declaration of In- 
dependence Mr. Jefferson incorporated the 
following clause in his enumeration ofwrongs 
done us by the King of Great Britain. It 
wasstrickenout in defference to the Delegate? 
from South Carolina. " He has waged cruel 
war against human nature itself, violating 
its most .^acred rights of life and liberty in 
the persons of a distant people who never 
offended him; captivating and carrying thein 
into .slavery in another hemisphere or incur- 
ring a miserable death in their transportation 
thither. This piratical warfare — the oppro- 
bium of infidel powers — is the warfare of the 
Christian King of Great Britain. Deter- 
uiined to keep open a market where men 
should be bought and sold, he has prostitu- 
ted his negative for suppressing any Legisla- 
tive attempt to prohibit and restrain this exe- 
crable commerce, and that this assemblage of 
horrors might want no fact of distinguished 
dye, he is now exciting those very people 
to rise in arms against us, to pnrchase that 
liberty of which he has deprived them by 
murdering the people on whoui he also ob- 
truded them, thus paying otf former crimes 
committed against the liberty of one peo- 
ple with crimes which he urges them to 
commit against the lives of another." 

Mr. Madison says this clause was stricken 
out ill compliance to South Carolina and 
Georgia who wished for a time to continue 
the trade — " Our Northern Brethren too (he 
adds,) I believe felt a little tender under those 
censures, for though their people had but lew 
slaves, yet they had been pretty considerable 
carriers of them to others ! 

George Mason of Virginia said in the fed- 
eral coni^ress. ' This infernal traffic oriai- 
nated in the avarice of British Merchants." 
Mr. Madison in the same debate objected tn 
postponing the prohibition of the trade to 
the year 1808, saying " so long a term will 
be more dishonorable to the American char- 
acter than to say nothing about it." The vntt. 



a " pernicious commerce." The prayer did 
not avail. 



and Delaware. 

The History of the country shows that 



56 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



Virginia representatives took the lead in car- 
rying those measures in 1808, and again in 
1819, &c., which led to tl;e extinction of the 
slave trade, which was prohibited by the 
United States thirty years betore it was by 
Great Britain. Virginia therefore, in the 
language of Professor Dew, has nothing to 
reproach herself with. She truly stands upon 
this subject like the Chevalier Bayard sans 
peur ei smis reproche. 

From the year 1776 to 1832 the prevalent 
sentiment was that slavery was not entailed 
on the State forever. Durinij this period 
none of her economists, with the single ex- 
ception perhaps of Mr. Giles, has defended 
the abstract right of slavery. The opinions 
of Washington, Mason, Jeflerson, Madison, 
Monroe, Marshall, Randolph, and indeed of 
all our leading statesmen of this era are well 
known, and had been frequently expressed. 

As late as 1824 Mr. Jeflerson in a letter 
to Jared Sparks fully exposed his views 
of emancipation — the mature result, he said, 
of his reflections for forty-five years upon 
the subject. 

TO JARED SPARKS. 

Monticello, Feb. 4, 1824. 
Dear Sir, 

I duly received your favour of the 13th, 
and with it, the last number of the North 
American Review. This has anticipated the 
one I should receive in course, hut have not 
yet received, under my subscription to the 
new series. The article on the African col- 
onization of the people of color, to which 
you invite my attention, I have read with 
great consideration. It is indeed a fine one, 
and will do much good. I learn from it 
more, too, than I had before known, of the 
degree of success and promise of that colony. 

In the disposition of these unfortunate 
people, there are two rational objects lo be 
distinctly kept in view. 1. The establish- 
ment of a colony on the coast of Africa, 
which may introduce among the aborigines 
the arts of cultivated life, and the blessings 
of civilization and science. By doing this, 
we may make lo them some retribution for 
the long course of injuries we have been 
committing on their population. And con- 



sidering that these blessings will descend to 
the "■ naii natoi-v.m, et gui nasceniur ab illis,' 
we shall in the long run have rendered them 
perhaps more good than evil. To fulfil this 
object, the colony of Sierra Leone promises 
well, and that of Mesurado adds lo our pros- 
peel of success. Under this view, the Col- 
oni'/ation Society is to be considered as a 
missionary society, having in view, however, 
objects more humane, more justifiable, and 
less aggressive on the peace of other nations, 
than the others of that appella'ion. 

The second object, and the most interest- 
ing to us, as coming home to our physical 
and moral characters, to our happiness and 
safety, is to provide an asylum to which we 
can, by degrees, send the whole of that pop- 
ulation from among us, and establish them 
under our patronage and protection, as a sep- 
arate free and independent people, in some 
country and climate friendly lo human life 
and happiness. That any place on the coast 
of Africa should answer the latter purpose, 
I have ever deemed entirely impossible. 
And without repeating the other arguments 
which have been urged by others, I will ap- 
peal to figures only, which admit no contro- 
versy. I shall speak in round numbers, not 
absolutely accurate, yet not so wide from 
truth as to vary the result materially. There 
are in the United States a million and a half 
of people of colour in slavery. To send off 
the whole of these at once, nobody con- 
ceives to bo practicable for us, or expedient 
for them. Let us take twenty-five years for 
its accomplishment, within which time they 
shall be doubled. Their estimated value as 
property in the first place, (for actual property 
has been lawfully vested in that form, and 
who can lawfully take it from the possessors?) 
at an average of two hundred dollars each, 
young and old, would amount to six hundred 
millions of dollars, which must be paid or 
lost by somebody. To this, add the cost of 
their transportation by land and sea to Mes- 
urado, a year's provision of food and cloth- 
ing, implements of husbandry and of their 
trades, which will amount to three hundred 
millions more, making thirty-six millions of 
dollars a year for twenty-live years, with in- 
surance of peace all that timC; and it is im- 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



57 



possible to look at the question a second 
time. I am aware that at the end of about 
sixteen years, a gradual detraction from this 
sum will commence, from the gradual dimi- 
nution of breeders, and go on during the re- 
maining nine years. Calculate this deduc- 
tion, and it is still impossible to look at the 
enterprise a second time. I do not say this 
to induce an inference that the getting rid of 
them is forever impossible. For that is nei- 
ther my opinion nor my hope. But only 
that it cannot be done in this way. There 
is, I think, a way in which it can be done ; 
that is, by emancipating the after born, leav- 
ing them, on due compensation, with their 
mothers, until their services are worth their 
maintenance, and then putting them to in. 
dustrious occupations, until a proper age for 
deportation. This was the result of my re- 
flections on the subject five and forty years 
ago, and I have never yet been able to con- 
ceive any other practicable plan. It was 
sketched in Notes on Virginia, under the 
fourteenth (paery. The estimated value of 
the new-boni infant is so low, (say twelve 
dollars and fifty-cents) that it would proba- 
bly be yielded by the owner gratis, and would 
thus reduce the six hundred millions of dol- 
lars,*the first head of expense, to thirty-seven 
millions and a half: leaving only the expen- 
ses of nourishment while with the mother, 
and of transportation. And from what fund 
are these expenses to be furished r Why 
not from that of the lands which have been 
ceded by the very states now needing this 
relief? And ceded on no consideration, for 
the most part, but that of the general good 
of the whole. These cessions already con- 
stitute one fourth of the states of the union. 
It may be said that these lands have been 
sold ; are now the property of the citizens 
composing those states; and the money long 
ago received and expended. But an c(piiv- 
alent of lands in the territories since acipiired, 
may be appropriated to that object, or so 
much at least as may be sufticient ; and the 
object, although more important to the slave 
states, is highly so to the others also, if they 
were serious in their arguments on the Mis- 
souri question. The slave states, too, if 
more interested, would also contribute more 



by their gratuitous liberation, thus taking on 
themselves alone the first and heaviest item 
of expense. 

In the plan sketched iu the Notes on Vir- 
ginia, no particular place of asylum was 
specified ; because it was thought possible, 
that in the revolutionary state of America, 
then commenced, events might open to us 
some one within practicbale distance. This 
has now happened. St. Domingo has be- 
come independent, and with a population of 
that color only ; and if the public papers are 
to be credited, their Chief offers to pay their 
passage, to receive them as free citizens, rind 
to provide ihem einploynient. 

This leaves, then for the general confedera- 
cy, no expense but of nurture with the mother 
a few years, and would call, of course, for a 
very moderate appropriation of the vacant 
lands. Suppose the whole annual increase 
to be of sixty thousand efl'ective births, fifty 
vessels, of four hundred tons burthen each, 
constantly employed in that short run, would 
carry oil" ihc increase of every year, and the 
old stock Yv'ould die olf in the ordinary course 
of nature, lessening from the commence- 
ment until ils final disappearance. In this 
way no violation of private right is proposed. 
Voluntary surrenders would probably come 
in as fast as the means to be provided for 
their care would be competent to it. Look- 
ing at my own state only, and I presume not 
to speak for the others, I v.erily believe that 
this surrender of property would not amount 
to more, annually, than half of our present 
direct taxes, to be continued fully about 
twenty or twenty-five years, and then grad- 
ually diminishing for as many more until 
their final extinction; and even this half tax 
v.'oiild not be paid in cash, but by the deliv- 
ery of an object which they had never yet 
known or counted as part of their property : 
and those not possessing the object will be 
called on for nothing. I do not go into all 
the details of the burthens and benefits of 
this operation. And who could estimate its 
blessed effects ? I leave this to those who 
will live to see their accomplishment, and to 
enjoy a beatitude forbidden to my age. But 
I leave it with this admonition, to rise and be 
doinsr- A million and a half srH '.vithin 



58 



The Virginian History of Jlfncan Colonizaiion. 



their control ; but six millions (which a ma- 
jority of those now Jiving will sec them at- 
tain,) and one million of these fighting men, 
will say, ' we will not go.' 

I am aware that thid subject involves some 
constitutional scrui)les. But a liberal con- 
struction, justified by the object, may go far, 
and an amendment of the constitution, ihe 
whole length necessary. The separations of 
infants from their mothers, too, would pro- 
duce some scruples of humanity. But this 
would be straining at a gnat, and swallowing 
a caniel. 

I am much pleased to see that you have 
taken uj) the subject of the duty on imported 
books. T hope a crusade will be kept up 
against it, until those in power shall become 
sensible of this stain on our legislation and 
shall wipe it from their code, and from tlic 
remembrance of man, if possible; 

1 salute you with assurances of higlj res- 
pect and esteem. 

THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

in December 1831, just before the debate 
111 the General Assembly Chief Justice Mar- 
shall and ex-president Madison published 
their views upon the questions then agitating 
the public mind in the form of letters to the 
llcv. R. Randolph Gurley. 

MoNTPELiER, December 29, 183d. 
Dear sir : I received, in due time, your 
letter of the 21st ult. and with due sensibili- 
ty to the subject of it. Such, however, has 
been the eftect of a painful rheumatism on 
my general condition, as well as in discjuali- 
fying my fingers for the use of the pen, that 
I could not dp justice "to the principles and 
measures of the Colonization Society in all 
the great and various relations they sustain 
to our own country and to Africa," if my 
views of them could have the value which 
your partiality supposes. I may observe, in 
brief, that the Society had always my good 
wishes, though with hopes of its success 
less sanguine than were entertained by others 
found to have been the better judges ; and 
that I feel the greatest pleasure at the pro- 
gress already made by the Society, and the 
encouragement to encounter remaining dif- 
ficulties afforded by the earlier and greater 
smea already overcome. Many circumstan- 



ces at the present moment seem to concur 

ill brightening the prospects of the Society 
and cherishing the hope that the time will 
come, when tiic dreadful calamity which has 
so long afllicted our country and filled so 
many with despair, will be gradually re- 
moved and by means consistent with justice, 
peace and the general satisfaction : thus 
giving to our country the full enjoyment of 
the blessings of liberty, and to the world the 
full benefit of its great example. I never 
considered the main difficulty of the great 
work as lying in the deficiency of emanci- 
pations, but in an inadequacy of asylums 
for such a growing mass of population, and 
in the great expense of removing it to its new 
home. The spirit of private manumission 
as the laws may permit and the exiles may 
consent, is increasing and will increase ; and 
there are suflicient indications that the pub- 
lic authorities in slave-holding States are 
looking forward to interpositions in differ- 
ent forms that must have a powerful effect. 
With respect to the new abode for the emi- 
grants, all agree that the choice made by the 
Society is rendered peculiarly appropriate by 
considerations which need not be repeated, 
and if other situations should not be found 
eligible receptacles for a portion of them, 
the prospects in Africa seem to be expand- 
ing in a highly encouraging degree. 

In contemplating the jDecuniary resources 
needed for the removal of such a number to 
so great a distance, my thoughts and hopes 
have been long turned to the rich fund pre- 
sented in the western lands of the Nation, 
which will soon entirely cease to be under a 
pledge for another object. The great one in 
qucston is truly of a national character, and 
it is known that distinguished patriots not 
dwelling in slave-holding States have viewed 
the object in that light and would be willing 
to let the national domain be a resource in 
efl'ecting it. 

Should it be remarked that the States, 
though all may be interested in relieving our 
country from the coloured population, they 
are not equally so ; it is but fair to recollect, 
that the sections most to be benefitted, are 
those whose cessions created the fund to ho 
disposed of. 

I am aware of the constitutional obstacle 
which has presented itself; but if the gene- 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 59 



lal will be reconciled to an application of the 
territorial fund to the removal of the colored 
population, a grant to Congress of the ne- 
cessary authority could be carried, with little 
delay, through the forms of the Constitution. 
Sincerely wishing an increasing success to 
the labors of the Society, I pray you to be 
assured of my esteem, and to accept my 
friendly salutations. 

JAfJES MADISON. 

Richmond, Jjlc. 14, 1831. 

Dear Sir : I received your letter of the 
'7lh, in the course of the mail, but it was not 
accompanied by the documents you men- 
tion. 

I undoubtedly feel a deep interest in the 
success of the Society, but, if I had not long 
since formed a resolution against appearing 
in print on any occasion, I should now be 
unable to comply with your request. In ad- 
dition to various occupations which press on 
me very seriously, the present state of my 
family is such as to prevent my attempting 
to prepare any thing for publication. 

The great object of the Society, I pre- 
sume, is to obtain pecuniary aids. Applica- 
tion will undoubtedly be made, I hope suc- 
cessfully, to the several State Legislatures by 
the societies formed within them respective- 
ly. It is extremely desirable that they should 
pass permanent laws on the subject, and the 
excitement produced by the late insurrection 
makes this a favorable moment for the friends 
of the Colony to press for such acts. It 
would be also desirable, if such a direction 
could be given to State Legislation as might 
have some tendency to incline the people of 
color to migrate. This, however, is a sub- 
ject of much delicacy. Whatever may be 
the success of our endeavors to obtain acts 
lor permanent aids, I have no doubt that our 
applications for immediate contributions will 
receive aUcntion. It is possible, though 
not probable, that more people of color may 
be disposed to migrate than can be provided 
for with the funds the Society may be ena- 
abled to command. Under this impression 
I suggestf d, some years past, to one or two 
of the Board of Managers, to allow a small 
additional bounty in lands to those who 
would pay their own passage in whole or in 
part. The suggestion, however, was not ap- 
proved. 



It is undoudtedly of great importance to 
retain the countenance and protection of the 
General Government. Some of our cruizers 
stationed on the coast of Africa would, at 
the same time, interrupt the slave trade — 
a horrid traffic detested by all good men, and 
would protect the vessels and commerce of 
the Colony from pirates who infest those 
seas. The power of the government to al- 
ford this aid is not, I believe, contested. 1 
regret that its power to grant pecuniary aid 
is not equally free from question. On this 
subject, I have always thought, and still 
think, that the proposition made by Mi . 
King, in the Senate, is the most unexcep- 
tionable, and the most effective that can be 
devised. 

The fund would probably operate as rap- 
idly as would be desirable, when we take 
into view the other resources which might 
come in aid of it, and its application would 
be, perhaps, less exposed to those constitu- 
tional objections which are made in the 
South than the application oi money drawn 
from the Treasury and raised by taxes. The 
lands are the property of the United States, 
and have heretofore been disposed of by the 
government under the idea of absolute own- 
ership. The cessions of the several States 
convey them to the General Government for 
the common benefit without prescribing any 
limits to the judgment of Congress, or any 
rule by which that judgment shall be exer- 
cised. The cession of Virginia indeed 
seems to look to an apportionment of the 
fund among the States, " according to their 
several respective proportions in the general 
charge and expenditure." But this cession 
v/as made at a time when the lands were be- 
lieved to be the only available fund for paying 
the debts of the United States and support- 
ing their Government. This condition has 
probably been supposed to be controled by 
the existing constitution, which gives Con- 
gress " power to dispose of, and make all 
needful rules and regulations respecting the 
territories or the property belonging to the 
U. States. It is certain that the donations 
made for roads and colleges are not in pro- 
portion to the part borne by each State of 
the general expenditure. The removal of 
our colored population is, I think, a common 
object, by no means confined to the slave 



60 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



State*, although they are more immediately 
interested in it. The whole Union M'onid be 
strengthened by it, and relieved from a dan- 
ger, whose extent can scarcely be estimated. 
It lessens very much in ray estimation, the 
objection in a political view to the applica- 
tion of this ample fund, that our lands are 
becoming an object for which the States are 
to scramble, and which threatens to sow the 
seeds of discord among us instead of being 
what they might be — a source of national 
wealth. 

I am, dear sir, 

With great and respectful esteem, 
Your obedient servant, 

.T. MARSHALL. 

\So have recited thr; foregoing facts and 
re-j)roduced the letters of Jeffers^on, Madison 
and Marshall to show what had been the pre- 
vailing tone of public sentiment in Virginia — 
from 1776 to 1832 upon this vexed question 
of slavery. Mr. Jefferson it will be observed 
distinguishes between the Colonization ofi 
free negroes and the emancipation of slaves 
He was in favor of colonizing the free ne- 
groes in Africa, as " the greatest of mission- 
ary schemes." But he was also an einanci. 
pationist, looking to the ultimate extinction, 
of Slavery in Virginia. He did not how- 
ever regard it as a practical thing to colo- 
nize our entire black population in so distant 
a land as Africa. His ()lan was to send ihe 
free negroes to Africa and the slaves to the 
West Lidiei. Mr. Jefferson should not be 
confounded with modern Abolitionists. They 
insist upon immediate abolition, he was in 
favor of ^rar/^a/ emancipation. They deny 
the right of property in slaves — he distinct- 
ly recognized it and would compensate mas- 
ters for the loss of it. They will not have 
emancipation with deportation, he would not 
emancipate without deportation. Ex-presi- 
dent Madison and the Chief Justice, were like 
Mr. Jefferson, colonizatiouists. The former 
was President of the American and the 
latter of the Virginian Society when the 
ibregoing letters were written. These letters 
liovvever were not official expositions of the 
views of the Societies, but mere expressions 
of their private opinions upon the topics 
then agitating the public mind iu Virginia. 
Like all the Virginia Statesmen of the Revo- 
iitionary era, they thought slavery an 



evil whose gradual and ultimate extinction 
was a consummation devoutly to be wished. 
They did not think the Colonization Society, 
competent to effect such a result even if 
that had been a legitimate object of its la- 
bours. They looked to the aid of the fede- 
ral government, and it was a remarkable 
coincidence that without concert their minds 
had been revolving with favor the plan sub- 
mitted by Rufus King to the Senate of the 
United States on the 15th of February 1825. 
This plan proposed that after the existing 
debt of the United States (for the payment 
of which the public lands had been pledged) 
had been paid off the whole of the public 
land of the United States with the nett pro- 
ceeds of all future sales thereof should con- 
stitute a fund to aid the emancipation and 
removal of such slaves and free negroes as 
by the laws of the States respectively might 
be allowed to be emancipated or removed 
beyond Jhe limits of the United States. Mr. 
Madison said that he was aware of the con- 
stitutional objections that might be urged to 
such a measure, but that if the people were 
in favor of it, an amendment of the consti- 
tution might be easily carried through all the 
forms of law. 

\x\ view of these and other facts in our 
history it is not surprising that a debate 
upon the subject of emancipation should 
have sprung up in our J^egislature. Under or- 
dinary circumstances it might have been 
posti)oned for many years. It was not ex- 
actly a natural and normal development. 
It was precipitated by the " affair of South- 
ampton. Under the stimulating iniluence of 
that event, petitions were sent from several 
counties asking the intervention of the Leg- 
islature in the disturbing question of sla- 
very and the newspaper Press with mucii un- 
animity and spirit echoed the voice of the 
Petitioners. 

It is not easy at this distance of time to 
tell whether the Press and the petitioners re- 
flected the general sentiment. In the col- 
umns of the newspapers we find reports of 
meetings in some counties in favor of eman- 
cipation and of "indignation meetings," in 
other counties complaining of the newspa- 
pers and protesting against the agitation ( I 
the subject. Among the men of note wiio 
entered the lists against the emancipationists 



The Virgiman Histoi ij of African Colonizatioti. 



61 



was B. Watkins Leigh who wrote a series of 
articles in the Richmond Enquirer under the 
signature of " Appomattox." These arti- 
cles in vigor of thought, in elegance of dic- 
tion, and in pungency of satire, make the 
nearest approximation to " Junius," of any 
thing in Virginia literature. Mr. Leigh, 
though a man of strong prejudices was the 
very soul of honor and took a special pride 
in being accurate in his facts. He was a 
close obsferver of the debate and he expres- 
ses the opinion that the Editors, Politicians 
and Petitioners were a long way ahead of 
public sentiment. According to his state- 
ment, these petitions might be distributed 
into the following classes and numbers. 

1st. Petitions, from eleven hundred and 
eighty-eight citizens in twelve counties, 
praying that some provision should be made 
by law for the removal of the free negroes 
fi-om the State. The views of these persons 
Mr. Leigh said were obviously hostile to all 
schemes of emancipation whatsoever, and their 
petition did not seem to attract any serious 
attention. 2nd. Petitions were presented 
from three hundred and seventy-eight citi- 
zens praying that an eflort should be made 
to procure an amendment of the Constitu- 
tion authorizing the Federal Ciovernment to 
assist in ridding us of the black population. 

3rd. Two County Colonization Societies 
and three hundred and sixty-six citizens of 
four counties sent inemcrials and petitions, 
suggesting, (I state their general objects as 
I understand it,) measures first for the remo- 
val of the free negroes and then of slaves 
hereafter to be emancipated by their owners 
or purchased by the public at a fair price, 
with a view to Colonization. 

A Petition from sixty-one citizens of War- 
wick, the prayer of which I interpret to mean 
that " something may be done." 

Petitions from Buckingham and Loudoun 
signed by twenty-seven men. A petition 
from Augusta signed by three hundred and 
forty-three women. 

A memorial of a meeting in Albermarle 
and one from a Society of friends in Hanover 
praying for abolition of slavery, some upon 
Mr. Randolph's plan and some in general 
terms. 

Such is Mr. Leigh's analysis of the number 
and character of the petitioners to the Gene- 



ral Assembly. He is accordingly very se- 
vere upon the Orators and the Editors whom 
he charges with reflecting the opinions of a 
very small fragment of the masses of people 
in Virginia. 

Several writers in the newspapers and par 
ticularly a member of the Assembly under 
the signature of Jeflerson questions the ac- 
curacy of his statements. But as no specific 
mistatement is pointed out, it was probably 
a very near approximation to the truth. And 
yet there can be but little doubt that there 
was quite a favorable disposition in the pub- 
lic mind towards some plan of emancipation 
if VLuy jjracticable plan could have been de- 
vised. It will be observed that Mr. Leigh 
distinguishes between the jietitioners for 
emancipation and deportation with due re- 
gard to all the rights of property and peti- 
tioners for abolition without any recognition 
of those rights. He classes the Colonization- 
ists amongst the former. Indeed it is a no- 
ticeable fact that there seem to liave been but 
two of some thirty or forty County Coloni- 
zation Societies who are included amonor 
the petitioners at all, and they are represen- 
ted as respecting the rights of property and 
all their constitutional obligations. The 
Colonization Society of Virginia seems to 
have pursued a very prudent and conserva- 
tive course for in the very heat of the debate it 
assembled in general meeting in the Capitol 
and passed the following resolution which 
shows that it had not been carried away by 
the tide of popular excitement. The follow- 
ing is an extract from the minutes, viz. 
" The annual meeting of the Colonization 
Society of Virginia, was held in the Capitol 
on the 11th. of January 1832. General 
William H. Brodnax in the chair. 

On motion it was resolved that the Socie- 
ty deems it expedient at this time to renew its 
pledges to the public strictly to adhere to 
that original feature in its constitution which 
confines its operations to the removal of the 
free people of color only, with their own con- 
sent. 

At the same time the Society fippoinicd 
Delegates to a meeting of the American 
Colonization Society to meet in Vt'ashiniiton 
in a few days. 

Among these Delegates were (Jhief Jus- 
tice Marshall, Hon. John Tyler, Andrew 



62 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



Stephenson, T. Walker Gilmer and Hon. 
William. S. Archer. 

These Deletrates attended the meetin'r at 
Washington. William S. Archer made a 
speech in the course of which he said the ob- 
ject of this Society involves no intrusion on 
the rights of property nor even upon preju- 
dice. It sought the removal to a better 
state of a people who had ceased to be pro- 
perty, &c. From an anomalous condition of 
anathema, this excellent association is la- 
boring to remove the free blacks to plen- 
ty industry and independence and these 
countless retinue of blessings. He main- 
tained that this Society was a blessing to the 
slave and the slave-holder. Although the 
condition of the slave is better than that of 
the free black, yet the latter is a perpetual 
incitement to discontent to the former. 
When the slave steals it is from sympathy 
with the destitution of the free black or to 
trade with him. 

The removal of the free black would ben- 
efit him, benefit the master and benefit the 
slave. 

Mr. Archer said that he was not one of 
those who (however desirable it was in ab- 
stract speculation) looked to the complete 
removal of slavery from among us. If that 
(consummation devoutly to be wished,) was 
feasible at all, it was at a period too remote 
to warrant the expenditure of contemplation 
and contribution now. 

" But a great benefit, short of this, was 
within reach, and made part of the scope of 
operation, of the plan of the Society. The 
progress of slavery was subjected to the ac- 
tion of a law, of the utmost regularity of ac- 
tion. Where this progress was neither 
stayed, nor modified by causes of collateral 
operation, it hastened with a frightfiil rapidi- 
ty, disproportioned, entirely, to the ordinary 
law of the advancement of population, to its 
catastrophe, which was repletion. If none 
were drained away, slaves became, excej)t 
under peculiar circumstances of climate, and 
production, inevitably and speedily redun- 
dant, first to the occasions of profitable em- 
ployment, and as a consequence, to the fac- 
ulty of comfortable provision for tJiem. No 
matter what the humanity of the owners, 
fixed restriction on I heir resources must 
transfer itself to the comfort, and then the 



subsistence, of the slave. At this last stage, 
the evil in this form had to stop. To this 
stage (from the disproportioned rate of mul- 
tiplication of the slaves — double that of the 
owners in ihis country) it was obliged, 
though at diflerent periods, in different cir- 
cumstances, to come. When the stage had 
been reached, what course or remedy re- 
mained ? Was open butchery to be re- 
sorted to, as among the Spartans with the 
Helots ? Or general emancipation, and in- 
corporation, as in South America ? Or aban- 
donment of the country by the masters, as must 
come to be the case in the West Indies r 
Either of these was a deplorable catastro- 
phe. (Jould all of them be avoided, and if 
they could, how r There vi'as but one way, 
but that might be made effectual, fortunate- 
ly ! It was io provide and keep open a drain 
for the excess of increase beyond the occa- 
sions of jifofitahle employment. This might 
be done eflectually by extension of the plan 
of the Society. The drain was already 
opened. All that was necessary would be, 
to provide for the enlargement of the chan- 
nel, as occasion might demand To this end, 
aid was looked for, from the Government of 
the United States. This would require, Mr. 
Archer thought, an .nmendment to the Con- 
stitution to authorize it, a resource of pre- 
carious reliance. But the resources of the 
States within which the evil was found, were 
entirely adequate lo the object. The Legis- 
latures of thirteen States, had committed 
themselves in approval of the scheme of the 
Society. To these we were authorized to 
address ourselves. That was the object ol' 
the resolution he had to submit. The Soci- 
ety had done all that private association 
could be expected, all that it could be bound 
to do, in leading the way, and demonstra- 
ting the feasibility (in this case the easy fea- 
sibility) of the object. The residue must be 
done, the outline be filled up, by public ca- 
pacity. The Society had fulfilled, consumma- 
ted, its proper and only requirable office — 
had filled the measure ol' its duty and repu- 
tion. It remained, now, for the State Legis- 
latures to take up their part of the function, 
and to redeem the pledge which so many of 
lliem had given. To these he had now to 
propose we should address ourselves, it 
could not be, he hoped, without effect. 



The Virginifm History of Ajrican Colonization. 



63 



" Mr. A. l.ad been stating the 'case in the 
supposition, that after the present class of 
free blacks had been exhausted, by the ope- 
ration of the plan he was reconiniendins', 
others would bo supplied for its action, in 
the proportion of the excess of coloured 
population it would be necessary to throw 
off, by the process of voluntary manumission 
or sale. This effect must result inevitably 
from the depreciating value of the slaves en- 
suing their disproportionate muitiplication. 
The depreciation would be relieved and re- 
tarded at the same lime, by the process. 
The two operations would aid reciprocally, 
and sustain each other, and both be in the 
highest degree beneficial. It was on the 
ground of interest, therefore, 'the most indis- 
putable pecuniary interest, that he addressed 
himself to the people and Legislatures of the 
slave-holding States. The great principles 
of philanthropy involved, was indeed to them 
as to the other quarters and Legislatures of 
the Union — a powerful re-inforcing conside- 
ration. But he put the case directly, to the 
clear sense of interest, of this portion sus- 
taining directly the pressure of the evil. 
His (]\Ir. A's) plan was disembarrassment 
by each State, of the portion of the evil 
which belonged to it, first, as it existed, af- 
terwards as it accrued, by the exertion of 
the proper resources of the State, which he 
maintained, would be adequate, if the com- 
mencement of the process were no longer 
delayed. The longer this was delayed, not 
only did the mass to be wrought on, become 
more ponderous by augmentation, but the 
resources of operation more waning, from 
declining productiveness of the property. 
This then was the time to invoke the com- 
mencement of state action. There was 
another reason. Large and overwhelming 
evils induce inertness and torpor in the pub- 
lic mind, which it demands some signal in- 
cident or catastrophe to awaken, and direct 
to salutary action. This has been the case 
in an especial manner, with the portentous 
evil in question. A recent and most tragi- 
cal catastrophe, of which his own State had 
been the scene, had now put the public 
mind wide awake, to the interest of this 
great subject, in every quarter. The mo- 
ment ought not surely to be lost. Men 
could now say as they were wont, of the ev- 



tremest peril and crisis of this evil, they 

will not come in our day. 

''It was demonstrated by proof of fright- 
ful validity that the peril impended, that the 
crisis might come on any day. No ! he was 
wrong ! It was not in the day that his form 
of horrors ever disclosed itself. It came in 
the night — disclosed itself in the midnight 
glare of habitations in which every form of 
outrage and butchery had previously been 
wreaked, on every form of life and helpless- 
ness, even to the sleep of the cradle. To 
avert the remotest prospect of evil of this 
character, what exertion ought to be omit- 
ted ? What sacrifice or expenditure de- 
clined ? None that gave even faint promise 
of aid ! In this view, invoking on all exer- 
tions in the cause, the blessing which 
must rest on their motives, he proposed the 
resolution which had been sent to the Chair." 

Although the agitation of this delicate 
subject was a perilous experiment, whose 
immediate effect was painful, yet we do not 
now deprecate it because it seems to us to 
have been one of those critical processes 
through which the Body-Politic must occa- 
sionally pass in its restoration from a morbid 
to a healthy condition. It had been a com- 
mon sentiment in Virginia from the founda- 
tion of the government, that Slavery was a 
"moral, political, and social evil." The miiids 
of our leading men, without distinction of 
party in Politics or Religion, had been anx- 
iously revolving schemes for its ultimate ex- 
tinction. If Southern men had been left 
alone with this subject, no human sagacity 
can now tell to what conclusions they would 
have come in process of time. 

Under these circumstances Northern fa- 
natics began to throw fire-brands amongst 
us. These lighted the flames of insurrec- 
tion, and the "panic" which ensued M^as felt 
by the House of Delegates, which in the 
language of the Richmond Inquirer, " broke 
the seals which for fifty years had imposed 
silence upon the most delicate subject of 
State concernment." Statesmen in the halls 
of Legislation, Politicians in the columns of 
Newspapers and Philosophers in the acade- 
mies of Science entered the lists, and the 
pross teemed with orations, editorials and 



64 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



essays of all sizes from the fugitive sheet to 
the ponderous pamphlet. 

The Richmond Whig said that the debate 
in the House of Delegates was marked by 
an eloquence that would have illustrated the 
classic days of Athens. The columns of 
the Inquirer and of the Whig and other 
newspapers were illuminated with brilliant 
editorials and communications. Professor 
Dew from his retirement at William and 
Mary sent forth a pamphlet in justification of 
Slavery marked by uncommon powers of 
reasoning and great wealth of illustration. 
The gifted Jessee B. Harrison of Lynchburg 
responded, in the "American Quarterly," 
with great eloquence of diction and in the 
most calm and philosophical spirit of In- 
quiry. 

This " spirit of Inquiry" was every where 
abioad busily inspecting the foundations of 
Southern Society, and the result was a gene- 
ral conviction that our peculiar institution 
was a " Political, Social and Moral Ne- 
cessity." 

We do not think that any impartial person 
can read these discussions, (now when the 
heat and smoke of the contest has given 
way to a serene atmosphere,) without seeing 
that the Pro-Slavery advocates had the best 
of the argument. The Emancipationists ut- 
terly failed to bring forward any national 
and practicable scheme of Abolition. 

The result was a powerful reaction in the 
public mind, which involved in some degree 
of the odium attached to Abolition every 
scheme touching the colored race, however 
innocent it may have been. Consequently 
the bill for colonizing the free negroes which 
passed the House of Delegates by a decisive 
vote, was lost by a few voices in the Senate- 

The only practical effect of all this excite- 
ment to be seen in the legislation of the ses- 
sion was a bill for the suppression of seditious 
writings and curtailing the privileges of the 
colored population bond and free. 

Let the misguided Abolitionisis hear that, 
and learn a lesson of humility and practical 
wisdom and humanity from the experiment. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Reaciio7i in public sentiment — Essay on Sla- 
very by Professor Deio — Article in Ameri- 
can Quarterly by Jesse B. Harrison. 

The effect of the general discussion elici- 
ted by the debate upon Abolition in the Gen- 
eral Assembly, was a powerful reaction in 
public opinion upon the subject of slavery. 
The anti-slavery tide was arrested at it.-- 
flood, and began rapidly to ebb. The docu- 
ment which chiefly contributed to this result 
was an Essay upon Slavery, by Professor 
Dew of William and Mary College, in which 
the whole subject was treated with profound 
ability, and illustrated with great wealth of 
learning. In this essay the folly of a gene- 
ral emancipation without deportation and 
the impracticability of deporting so large a 
population were clearly demonstrated. 

Soon after the publication of Professor 
Dews pamphlet, an article of signal ability 
appeared in the American Quarterly Eeview 
based on the speech of Thomas Marshall of 
Fauquier, designed to shew that slavery was 
the essential hindrance to the prosperity of 
the slave-holders, with particular reference 
to Virginia. This article was M^-iiten by 
Jessee Burton Harrison of Lynchburg. It 
was reprinted in the form of a pamphlet and 
generally circulated in Virginia. The ver- 
dict of the people after deliberately looking 
at both sides of the question as exhibited by 
these eloquent advocates, was decidedly in 
favor of the general principles maintained 
by President Dew. This reaction in public 
sentiment involved at first tbe cause of Col- 
onization. The reason of this was that some 
of the over-sanguine Colonizationists had 
put forward the Colonization Society as com- 
petent to effect in time the deportation of 
the entire black population. Colonization 
and Abolition had been thus confounded in 
the public mind It ^uas against this aspect 
of Colonization, that Professor Dew levelled 
his tremendous batteries. As Professor Dev»' 
interpreted the design of the Colonization 
Society, his argument was unanswerable and 
fatal. But in truth the picture of the soci- 
ety which he had in view being painted by 
over-ardent Colonizationists, was a mere car- 
ricaturo. The Society declares in its fnnda- 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



65 



mental law that its exclusive design is to re- 
move from the United States, such free ne- 
groes as will consent to go. When a master 
acting spontaneously liberates a slave, he is 
then a free negro and within the sphere of 
our operations. Any views transcending 
these limits are private opinions and should 
never have been incorporated into any offi- 
cial documents of the society. 

If all the Colonization Societies and their 
friends had kept this law, the cause would 
have escaped the mountains of prejudice 
which at times have well nigh crushed it. 

When the smoke of the fierce conflict of 
opinion passed away, and mens minds subsi- 
ded into their wonted repose, the Coloniza- 
tion Society of Virginia was seen under its 
true colors and its real purposes rightly ap- 
preciated. Accordingly it again approached 
the General Assembly with a respectful me- 
morial Vv^hich was referred to the Committee 
on Finance. 

On the 9th of February 1833, the Com- 
mittee on Finance in the House of Delegates 
made a Report concluding with the follow- 
resolution : 

Resolved as the opinion of this Committee, 
That the several petitions, to wit : of the 
auxiliary Colonization Society of Bucking- 
ham, soliciting an appropriation of money to 
aid the American Colonization Society in re- 
moving free persons of color, and such slaves 
as may be voluntarily emancipated, from this 
State to Liberia ; of the American Society, 
for coloniKing the free people of color of the 
United States in Africa or elsewliere, setting 
forth its objects, progress, and complaining 
of the want of funds, to remove many ap- 
plicants residmg in this State, and mooting 
the consideration of the General Assembly ; 
of sundry citizens of Norfolk county, asking 
an appropriation of a liberal sum, annually, 
in aid of the transportation of the free peo- 
ple of color of Virginia to the land of their 
ancestors ; four petitions of sundry inhabi- 
tants of Fauquier, asking that an act may 
pass, providing in whatsoever manner the 
General Assembly may prescribe, the an- 
nual appropriation of such sum in aid of col- 
onizing the free people of color of this Com- 
monwealth, as will comport with the magni- 
tude of the subject and the re^^ourceL; of the 
State ; of sundry citizens of the Borough of 



Norfolk, praying a liberal annual appropria- 
tion from theTreasur}^ in aid of the Society 
for colonizing free persons of Color in Afri- 
ca, be rejected. 

The fifth resolution being under conside- 
ration, a motion was made by Mr. Gilmer to 
amend the same by striking therefrom the 
words, " be rejected," and inserting in lieu 
thereof the words, "is reasonable," where- 
upon a motion was made by Mr. Lewis that 
the farther consideration of the said resolu- 
tion and proposed amendment, be indefinite 
postponed ; and the question being put there- 
upon, was determined in the negative. Ayes 
57, noes 57. 

Wed.vesday, Feb. 27th, 1833. 

Extract from proceedings of H. of Delegates. 

An engrossed bill making approprialiouii 
for the removal of free persons of color, was 
read a third time, whereupon a motion was 
made by Mr. Sims, that the further conside- 
ration of said bill be indefinitel}^ postponed, 
and the question being put thereupon, was 
determined in the negative. Ayes 41, noes 

A blank therein was then filled ; and the 
question being put upon its passage, was de- 
termined in the affirmative. Ayes 72, noes 
48. 

On motion of Mr. Goode, (seven of the 
members present concurring,) ordered, that 
the Ayes and noes upon the said question be 
inserted in the journal. The names of the 
gentlemen who voted in the affirmative are : 
Messrs. ililey, Colburn, Gilmer, Randolph, 
Garland, Stuart of Augusta, McCue, Magne, 
Preston, Faulkner, Henshaw, Miller, Wilson 
of Botetourt, Campbell, Gholson, McComas, 
Dickerson, Pendleton, Thornton, Broadnax, 
Jones, Daniel, Marshall, Payne, Barton, Ear- 
ly, Smith of Gloucester, Watkins of Gooch- 
land, Alderson, Stewart of Greensville, 
Vance, Roane of Hanover, Mullen, Goff, 
Kincheloe, Mayo, Holleman, Gregory, Gal- 
laher, Berry, Fry, Hooe, Carter of Richmond 
and Lancaster, Heiskell, Hays, Beard, Har- 
rison, Taylor, Poindexter, Roy, Alexander, 
Charlton, Webb, Cabell, Collins, Dunton, 
Harvey, Parriott, Leffler, Roberti,on, Hines, 
Nash, Brown of Preston, McDowell, Moore. 



66 



The Virginian Hidory of African Colonization. 



McMuIlen, Griffin, Crump, McCoy, Stur- 
inan, Myberj and Rutherfoord — 72. 

Ajid the names of the gentlemen Vv'ho vo- 
ted in the negative are, Messrs. Banks, 
(Speaker,) Booker, Shell, Patteson of Buck- 
ingham, Yancey, Bearing, Cheatham, Rich- 
ardson, Patteson of Chesterfield, Wilson of 
Cumberland, Ritchie, Stephenson of Fayette 
and Nicholas, Helms, Hale, Woods, Bruce, 
Sims, Sloane, Gravely, Harwood, Dabney, 
Street, Shands, Boothe, McMahon, Cline, 
Macfarlane, Bare, Newman, Thompson, Ste- 
venson of Spotsylvania, Conway, Pegram, 
George, McCulloh, Stanger, and Brown of 
Petersburg — 48. 

On motion of Mr. Gholson, (a member vo- 
ting in the majority,) the fifth rule of this 
house was suspended, for the purpose of re- 
considering the vote just passing the said 
bill ; and the question being put thereupon, 
was determined in the afhrmative. 

The said vote was then reconsidered ; and 
Mr. Brown of Petersburg offered a clause by 
way of a ryder to the said bill, which was 
read the first and second times. 

The same is as follows: '-Provided that 
no payment shall be made by the said board, 
under the provisions of this act, for the trans- 
portation of any other than persons of color, 
who are now free and born, and residing 
within this Commonwealth, or their descen- 
dants." 

And the question being put upon engross- 
ing the same and reading it the third time, 
was determined in (he affirmative— Ayes S7, 
noes 35. 

On motion of Mr. Goode, (seven of the 
members present concurring,) ordered, tliat 
the ayes and noes upon the said question be 
inserted in tlie journal. 

The names of the gentlemen who voted 
in the affirmative, are Messrs. Banks (Speak- 
er,) Riley, Coleburn, Booker, Stuart of Au- 
gusta, Miller, Gholson. Shell, Patterson of 
Chesterfield, Pendleton, Thornton, Wilson 
of Cumberland, Broadnux. Jones, Butcher, 
Payne, Hale, Woods, Smith of Frederick, 
Earle, Emmons, Smith of Gloucester, Wat- 
kins of Goochland, Stewart of Greensville, 
Bruce, Vines, Slonnr>, Roane of Hanover, 
iMalloiy, (^ofi; Kincheloo, Mayo, Gravely,! 



HoIIeman, Gregory, Gallaher, Harwood, 
Hooe, Carter of Lancaster and Richmond, 
Poindexter, Street, Roy, Smith of Mason and 
Jackson, Goode, Willey, Alexander, Charl- 
ton, Webb, Cabell, Murdaugh, Collins, Dun- 
ton, Harvey, Liffler, Dale, Adams, Hiner, 
Witcher, Swanson, Nash, Watkins of Prince 
Edward, Shands, Boothe. McMahon, Cline, 
McMullen, Bare, Newman, Thompson, Grif- 
fin, Stephenron of Spotsylvania, Conway, 
Crump, Pegram, McCoy, Sturman, Maybery, 
Slanger, King, Brown of Petersburg and 
Rutherfoord — 87. 

And the names of the gentlemen who vo- 
ted in the negative are Messrs. Gilmer, Ran- 
dolph, Garland, McCue, Maysc, Preston, 
Faulkner, Henshaw, Wilson of Botetourt, 
Campbell, McComas, Daniel, Marshall, Ste- 
phenson of Fayette and Nicholas, Helms, 
Alderson, Vance, Berry, Fry, Heiskell, Hays, 
Beard, Harrison, Taylor, Henry, Sherrard, 
Parriott, Robertson, Cachley, Brown of Pres- 
ton, McDowell, Moore, Macfarlane, George 
and McCulloh— 35. 

The question was then put upon passing 
the said bill, witli the ryder, and was deter- 
mined in the alfirmative — Ayes 68, noes 51. 

On motion of Mr. Broaddax, (seven of the 
member present concurring,) ordered that 
the ayes and noes upon the said (juestion be 
inserted in the journal. 

The names of the gentlemen who voted in 
the affirmative arc, Messrs. Banks, (speaker,) 
Riley, Coleburn, Gilmer, Garland, McCue, 
Mayse, Preston, Faulkner, Henshaw, Miller, 
Wilson of Botetourt, Campbell, Gholson, 
Shell, Pendleton, Thornton, Broadnax, Jones, 
Marshall, Layne, Smith of Frederick, Earlc, 
Smith of Gloucester, Watkins of Goochland, 
McCamant, Alderson, Stewart of Greens- 
ville, Roane of Hanover, Mullen, Gofi', 
Kincheloe, Mayo, Holleman, Gregory, Gal- 
laher, Berry, Fry, Hooe, Heiskell, Poindex- 
ter, Roy, Alexander, Charlton, Webb, Cabell, 
Murdaugh, Collins, Dunton, Harvey, Leffler, 
Dade, Robertson, Hiner, Nash, Moore, Mc- 
Mullen, Griffin, Stevenson of Spotsylvania, 
Conway, Crump, Pegram, McCoy Sturman, 
Maybeiy, King, Brown of Petersburg and 
Riitherloord — 67. 

And the names of gentlemen who votad in | 



The Virginian History of Jljricnn Colonization. 



67 



the negative are, Messrs. Randolph, Booker, 
Patteson of Buckingham. Yancey, Dearing, 
Cheatham, Ricliardson, Patteson of Cliester- 
field, Wilson of Cumberland, Daniel, Ritch- 
ie, Stephenson of Fayette and Nicholas. 
Helms, Hale, Woods, Emmons, Bruce, Sims, 
Vance, Sloane, Gravely, Hurwood, Hays, 
Witcher, Swanson. Cackley, Brown of Pres- 
ton, Beard, Harrison, Taylor, Street, Smith 
of Mason and Jackson, Goode, Henry, Wil- 
ly, Sherrard, Parrott, Adams, Watkins of P. 
Edward, Shands, Boothe, McDowell, Mc- 
Mahon, Cline, Macfarlane, Bare, Newman, 
Thompson, George, McCuIloh and Slanger, 
51. 

Resolved, That the bill do pass, and that 
the bill be an act making appropriations for 
the removal of free persons of colour. 

AN ACT 

Making appropriations for the removal of free 

persons of color. 

(Passed March 4tli, 1833.) 

1 . Be it Enacted by the General Assembly, 
That the sum of eighteen thousand dollars 
shall be, and the same is hereby appropriated, 
to be paid annually, for the period of five 
years, out of any money in the treasury, not 
otherwise appropriated, for the purposes, and 
in the manner herein after prescribed. 

2. Be it further enacted, That the gover- 
nor. Lieutenant Governor, first and second 
Auditors, for the time being, shall be and 
they are hereby constituted a board of com- 
missioners, for the purpose of carrying into 
eflject the provisions of this act, any two of 
whom shall be a quorum for said purpose. 

3. Whenever satisfactory proof shall be 
produced to the said board of commission- 
ers, that any number of free persons of cc)lor, 
shall have been actually transported to the 
colony of Liberia, or other place on the wes- 
tern coast of Africa, or that they shall have 
been embarked for transportation thither, 
from within the limits of this commonwealth, 
by the American Colonization Society, it 
shall be lawful, and the said board of com- 
missioners are hereby required to issue their 
warrant on the treasury of this common- 
wealth, for such sum or sums of money, as 
may be necessary to defray tlie costs of trans- 
povtin.fT and subsi^iting such free persons of 



color for a limited time, on the said coast of 
Africa, payable to the authorized and accred- 
ited agent or agents of the said American 
Colonization Society : Provided, that the sum 
or sums which may, t>om time to time, be 
thus expended, shall, in no one year, exceed 
the amount hereby appropriated for such 
year, and that the free persons of color who 
may be removed, under the provisions of this 
act, shall be selected from the diflereut coun- 
ties and corporations of this commonwealth, 
in proportion to the amount of revenue paid 
into the public treasury by such county or 
corporation, if such iree persons of color 
can be found in such county or corporation, 
willing to emigrate; but if the whole suna of 
money hereby appropriated to each county 
and corporation, shall not be annually applied 
to the removal of such free persons of color 
therein, because of their unwillingness to 
emigrate therefrom, then the balance thereof 
may be equitably applied, by the said board 
of commissioners, to the removal of free per- 
sons of color from other counties and cor- 
porations : And provided further, that not 
more than the sum of thirty dollars, shall be 
allowed by said board of commissioners for 
the transportation and subsistence as afore- 
said, of any free persons of color, above the 
age of ten years, and not more than the sum 
of twenty dollars, for the transportation and 
subsistence of any free person of color under 
the said age of ten years. And the said 
board of commissioners are hereby required 
to keep an e.\act account of all moneys dis- 
bursed under the authority of this act, and 
to make an annual report thereof to the next 
General Assembly, showing the ages and sex 
of such free persons of color as may be trans- 
ported from this commonwealth, and the 
counties, cities or boroughs l>om which they 
may have been respectively removed ; to- 
gether with such other facts and suggestions 
as they may rleem interesting or proper: 
Provided, that no payment shall be made by 
the said board under the provisions of this 
act, for the transi)ortation of any other than 
persons of color who are now free, and born 
and residing i.i this commonwealth, or their 
descendants. 

4. This act shall be in force from and af- 
ter the passage thereof. 



68 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



The passage of this act revived the hopes 
of the friends of Colonization. The State 
Societ}^ appointed a committee consisting of 
R. G. Scott and others, to prepare and circu- 
late an address with the view of stirring up 
the County Auxiliaries, and calling the at- 
tention of Ministers of the Gospel to the 
taking up collections on the 4th of July to 
relieve the embarrassments of the Society at 
Washington. The Bockbridge society cele- 
brated its seventh anniversary on the 4th of 
July, and expressed its regret that the bene- 
fits of the appropriation should have been 
limited to negroes who were free at the time 
of the passage of the act. The Wheeling 
society expressed alike regret and suggested 
a modification of the Act of Assembly, so 
as to allow the appropriation to be applied to 
the removal of all free colored people with- 
out regard to the time of their emancipation. 
The Albemarle society said we are invited 
to lend our aid by the necessity of co-opera- 
ting with our State Legislature in carrying 
out the purposes of this liberal appropriation 
of last session. 

At the anniversary of the Bedford society, 
on the 21st of July, sixty members were re- 
ported with cheering prospects of a large ac- 
cession. In the same month a new society 
was formed in Mecklenburg, after an address 
by A. W. Venable. Like movements were 
made in other counties, but we do not hap- 
pen to have a minute of their proceedings. 

All the indications now promised that Col- 
onization would soon become the established 
policy of the State. The society had recov- 
ered from the shock of the events of 1831-32. 
Up to that time there had been a progression 
in the emigration from Virginia to Liberia, 
until the number of emigrants reached to 
293 in one year. Under the influence of 
those events the number ran down to 59 in 
1833 and to one in 1835. There having 
been a rise in 1834 by the liberation of 100 
negroes by a gentleman of Virginia. The 
renewed impulse given to the cause in 1833, 
would probably soon have rolled the tide of 
emigration, had not the Abolitionists again 
disturbed the peace of the country by their 
insane ravings. The Richmond Whig com- 
menting upon the wild sheme of immediate 
emancipation, and the renewed attempts of 
the Abolitionists to excite hostility against 



the Colonization Society, thus refers to the 
state of public sentiment in 1833. " Ano- 
ther revolution of public sentiment almost as 
remarkable and much more intelligible has 
occurred in the South in respect to African 
Colonization. Its original opponents in that 
quarter of the Union have generally ground- 
ed their arms. Their opposition has been 
subdued by reason and experience. They 
have seen success crown the undertaking. 
They behold the great good it is effecting to 
both races, and they have been convinced 
and converted. It is for that reason the 
fanatics have thrown themselves against it. 
In expended progressive and permanent ben- 
efit to the human race, we believe it the 
master scheme of this or any other age." 



CHAPTER X. 

The sayings and doings of the Abolitionists. 
Their furious war against the Colonization 
Society. Garrison, Wilheiforce, Daniel, 
0' Connell, John Tyler, H. G. Otis. 
" Who that has the heart of a christian, of 
a patriot, or even of a man, must not depre- 
cate any movements that threaten the public 
peace, and endanger that Union, which is our 
strength, our happiness, and our glory. Pro- 
cul, oh procul este profani, would we exclaim 
to those rash men who in the delirium of im- 
agined philanthropy, would kindle or fan a 
flame that would leave them (should heaven 
ever again shed light upon their minds) only 
to weep over the fragments and ashes of this 
grand and holy temple of Liberty. 

Rev. II. Randolph Gurley in 1833. 

In the year 1832, at the very time that 
some Southern men were charging the Colo- 
nization Society with being an Abolition So- 
ciety in disguise, William L. Garrison, the 
champion of the Abolitionists, published an 
elaborate indictment of the Colonization So- 
ciety, containing the following counts, viz : 
" The Colonization Society is the friend of 
the slaveholder and the apologist for slavery ; 
it is the enemy of immediate emancipation ; 
it traduces the free colored people and would 
prevent their elevation in this country ; it 
seeks to exile them from their native land ; 
it rivets the chains of the slave and quiets 
the conscience of the slaveholders. These 
and other like propositions are argued at 



The Virginian Hisiory of African Colonization. 



6^ 



length and the official documents of the So- 
ciety and the speeches of its advocates are 
cited in proof of them. 

Garrison not content with waging a fero- 
cious warfare against the society in America, 
followed Mr. Cresson to England for the sake 
of counteracting the influence of that gentle- 
man, who had commended the cause of Af- 
rican Colonization to the judgments and sym- 
pathies of the leading British philanthropists. 
In consequence of his misrepresentations, 
Wilberforce, Daniel, O'Connel and others, 
published what they were pleased to call a 
" Protest against the American Colonization 
Society." In this impertinent document 
they object to the society upon the grounds 
that " It fosters and increases the spirit of 
caste already too predominant ; widens the 
breach between the two races — exposes the 
free colored people to practical persecution 
and finally it is calculated to swallow up or 
divert that feeling, as a christian nation and 
a free country we cannot but entertain that 
Slavery is incompatible with law the of God 
and the well-being of man. On these grounds 
therefore they say, while we acknowledge 
ihe Colony of Liberia to be in itself a good 
thing, we utterly repudiate the principles of 
the American Colonization Society, which 
in our judgment is not deserving of the coun- 
tenance of the British public. 

Signed, 

William Wilberforce, Svffield. 

Daniel 0' Connell. S. Lushington, M. P. 

Tho. F. Buxton. Wm. Evans, M. P. 

Sam. Gurney. James Cropper. 

Geo. Stephen. William Allen. 

This precious document was paraded with 
great effect in the North and was perhaps an 
encouragement to the mission of that au- 
dacious emissary of British Abolitionists 
(Thompson) Avho dishonored his country and 
disgraced himself by calumniating Southern 
slaveholders to Northern Abolitionists. 

The Colonization Society has been pursu- 
ed by the Abolitionists with the most relent- 
less hostility. 

It is a favorite theme of denunciation and 
misrepresentation in their newspapers and at 
their anniversaries. Their wrath never seems 
to wax so hot as when a Colonizationist is 
the object of it. 

In a tract issued by the American Anti- 



Slavery Society, now lying before us, it is 
objected to the Colonization Society that " it 
had its birth in Virginia and was founded by 
slaveholders ; that its first President was 
Judge Washington of Virginia, that its first 
seventeen Vice-Presidents were from the 
South ; that its managers were owners of 
slaves ; that John Randolph spoke at its for- 
mation and said that ' it tended to secure the 
property of the master in the slave ;' that 
Mr. Clay said, ' I am a slaveholder and con- 
sider that property as inviolable as any other 
property ;' that Wm. S. Archer said ' the 
Society involves no intrusion on property, 
nor even on prejudice ;' that Henry A. Wise 
said ' the great original principle on which it 
is founded is friendship to the slaveholder;' 
that the Managers say ' we are restrained by 
the terms of our association from making 
emancipation our object ;' that the rights of 
masters are secure in our eyes ;' that it 
would be as humane to throw negroes over- 
board as to free them in this country ; that 
Judge Washington told his slaves that they 
need not expect emancipation and soon after 
sold fifty-four of them in New Orleans; that 
the second President, Charles Carrol of Car- 
rolton held through life and bequeathed at 
his death a thousand slaves ; that Mr. Madi- 
son another President left one hundred slaves 
to his heirs ; that Mr. Clay directed that his 
slaves should be held in bonds for twenty- 
five years after his death and then be sent 
to Liberia ; that Colonization retards eman- 
cipation because the removal of the free 
blacks enhances the value of the slaves ; and 
finally that the enemies of slavery are the 
enemies of the Colonization Society." 

It would be easy to fill a volume with the 
railings of the Abolitionists against the Col- 
onization Society. 

But these fanatical crusaders were not con- 
tent with making war upon the Colonization 
Society. Their hatred extended to the Con- 
stitution and the Union which opposed in- 
vincible barriers to the consummation of their 
treasonable projects. Their presses teemed 
with every form of incendiary literature, 
from the little primer in which children were 
taught that A. B. stood for abolition, to the 
ponderous volume in which the Bible and 
he constitution were expounded by iho 
" new philosophy." 



70 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



In July 1835 the American Anti- Slavery 
Society issued 175,000 copies of newspapers 
and pamphlets, some of which were illustra- 
ted with hideous carricatures of Southern 
jnen, women and children, brandishing whips 
and other instruments of torture over crouch- 
ing slaves, and exulting in the sufferings of 
their helpless victims. The United States 
mail was the medium through which these 
seeds of insurrection were sown broadcast 
over the Southern States. The result was 
an intense excitement among Southern peo- 
ple. Meetings were called and measures 
adopted suitable to the crisis in Richmond, 
Norfolk, Fredericksburg, Lynchburg, and in 
the counties of Fluvanna, Augusta and Glou- 
cester, &c. At the Gloucester meeting John 
Tyler, then a senator in congress, made a 
powerful speech. Insurrectionary papers 
whenever found were searched and burned. 
Retaliatory measures were devised ; privi- 
leges hitherto allowed to slaves were with- 
drawn, and a more rigorous policy adopted. 
The Richmond Compiler, of the 2nd of Au- 
gust, 1835, said " the Abolitionists have 
proved the worst enemies of the colored 
race by their ill-judged interference." 

The more conservative and patriotic people 
of the North, disgusted with these revolu- 
tionary proceedings of their fellow citizens, 
assembled in public meeting and assured the 
South of their sympathy and support. Con- 
spicuous among them was the venerable Har- 
rison Gray Otis of Boston, who came forth 
from his retirement and in accents tremblinsr 
with age, made a speech in Faneuil Hall 
which covered him with glory. With the 
most luminous reasoning he demonstrated 
the revolutionary character of the Anti-Sla- 
very proceedings, and lifted up his voice in 
tones of such earnest remonstrance and made 
such a patriotic and pathetic plea for the 
Constitution and the Union, as must have 
made a profound impression upon his hear- 
ers. In concluding he said, " I witnessed 
the adoption of the Constitution and through 
a long series of years have been accustomed 
to rely upon an adherence to it as the foun- 
dation of all my hopes for posterity. It is 
threatened, I think, with the most portentous 
danger that has yet arisen : I pray it may be 
dissipated — that the thirteen stripes may not 
be merged in too dismal stains of black and 



red, and that my grave may close over me, be- 
fore Union descends into her's."' Among the 
the persons who contributed to exposethe per- 
nicious doctrines of the Garrison School, the 
name of the Rev. Joseph Tracy, the present 
efficient Agent of the Massachusetts Coloni- 
zation Society should not be omitted. There 
was danger at one time that a large and in- 
fluential body of christians, in New England, 
would be swept away from their moorings in ' 
the Bible by the desolating tide of fanati- \ 
cism. Mr. Tracy manfully stemmed the 
tide, and helped to bring out into broad day 
before the churches the dreadful fact that 
the logical consequence of the anti-slavery 
doctrine was the most frightful anarchy. The 
party, however, soon split into factions and 
began, in Mr. Tracy's phrase, " to say against 
each other all that need be said." While 
all this excitement was raging, the Coloni- 
zation Society of Virginia was quietly pursu- 
ing the even tenor of its way. Not a year 
elapsed without some emigration from this 
State to Liberia, although the number as we 
have seen, was reduced from 292 in 1831 to ] 
one in 1835. The contributions in money 
were only $2,000 in 1834, and $3,000 in 
1835, rising gradually in amount as the ex- 
citement subdued, until in 1836 it reached 
nearly $8,000. The Lynchburg Society 
said truly in its report, " the greatest cause 
which weakens the claims of Colonization, 
is the infatuated and misguided efforts of 
that portion of American citizens styling 
themselves Abolitionists." 

The conservative ground taken by the 
Colonization Society during these troublous 
times is well illustrated by the following 
resolutions passed at its annual meetings in 
1834 and 1835. 

On the 20th of January, 1834, the follow- 
ing resolution, moved by Mr. Maxwell, was 
passed, " while wo regard the attempts of 
certain Anti-slavery Societies [at the north 
to propagate their false and fanatical princi- 
ples within the limits of our Southern States, 
as dangerous and pernicious in the highest 
degree, we shall cordially v/eTcome the co- 
operation of the people of all parts of the 
Union in prosecuting the great enterprise of 
African Colonization, which honestly and 
fairly pursuing its single object, the removal 
of all free people of color to Africa, operates 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



71 



at the same time ii.cidentally to encourage 
the emancipation of slaves, by furnishing 
facilities for transporting them to the colony 
of Liberia. 

On the 7th of January, 1835, on motion 
of Edward Colston, of Berkeley, it was re- 
solved, that it is not true, as has been falsely 
and injuriously asserted by some objectors, 
that the movement of our Society is either 
designed or at all likely to interfere in any 
manner whatever with the rights of masters 
over their slaves as established by law, but 
on the contrary, it must rather tend to make 
them more secure, while it shall be deemed 
expedient to retain them, and at the same 
time more dispose able for any purpose of 
benevolence to which they may be applied. 

In this connection we may appropriately 
notice the withdrawal of Gerrit Smith from 
the Colonization Society and the reasons as- 
signed by him for this step. 

"The Colonization Society has been and is 
now far more interested in the question of 
slavery than in the work of Colonization — 
in demolishing the Anti- Slavery Society than 
in bnilding up its Colony." 

CHAPTER XL 

Rev. Mr. McKen7ii/s agency ; Young Men's 
Colonization Society, Richmond, and Anti- 
Abolition resolutions of Colonization So- 
ciety of Virginia. Death of Chief Justice 
Marshall ; Resolutions of the Board of Man- 
agers on the occasion ; Mr. Macfar land's 
resolution and Mr. Atkinson' s eulogy of 
Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Mar shall, Fitz- 
hugh, Brodnax. Election of Officers for 
1836. 

Several facts were inadvertently omitted 
under their proper dates, which may be ap- 
propriately introduced at this stage of our 
narrative. In the year 1832 a society was 
formed in Richmond by the young men under 
the auspices of Gustavus A. Myers, R. T. 
Daniel, J. B. Macm.urdo and B. F. Watson. 
It was called the Junior Colonization So- 
ciety. We have no record of its operations, 
except the fact that it issued an address to 
the young men of the State, inviting them to 
organize for a like purpose. 

In August of the same year, the Rev. W. 
McKenny of the Methodist church was ap- 



pointed Agent of this Society, which he ser- 
ved several years wath zeal and efhciency. 
Soon after his appointment he prepared a 
paper shewing the rise, progress and neces- 
ity of African Colonization, with an appeal 
in favor of the cause. One thousand copies 
of this document were printed by order of 
the Board. We regret that we have not suc- 
ceeded in finding a copy of it as it might fur- 
nish materials for the illustration of our sub- 
ject. 

In April 1835, a meeting of the citizens of 
Richmond, friendly to the cause of Coloni- 
zation was held for the purpose of devising 
measures for carrying into effect resolutions 
of the Society at Washington to raise $100,- 
000. It was recommended to the Board of 
Managers of the Colonization Society of 
Viro-inia, to endeavor to raise $10,000 of this 
sum, to be applied to the establishment of a 
new settlement in Africa, to be called New 
Viro-inia, and commending to the confidence 
of our citizens Col. Hall an Agent of the 
American Colonization Society in this State. 
The Board, on the 8th of April, acceded 
to the proposition and commended Col. Hall 
as a person who from long experience and 
intimate knowledge of his native State, would 
be able to present the claims of the Society 
in their proper aspect. At the same time 
the Board passed the following resolution. 



The opposition of the Abolition Societies 
in the Northern States to African Coloniza- 
tion, ought of itself to convince the peojjle 
of the slave-holding States that Colonization 
as patronised by this Society, is entirely dis- 
connected with any project of immediate or 
prospective emancipation. 

This was the last occasion on which Chief 
Justice Marshall presided. 

At the next meeting of the Board of Man- 
agers on the 28th of October, 1835, we find 
on record the following resolution, viz : 

Resolved, uiianimously. That the members 
of this Board do cherish with affection and 
respect the m.emoryof the late Chief Justice 
Marshall, as Avell for the many virtues tiiat 
adorned his character, as for the countenance 
and support uniformly given by him to this 
Society. 

At the next annual meeting of the Socie- 
ty, which was held in the Capitol on the 8th 



72 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



of January, 1836, the following resolution 
was passed on motion of Wm. H. Macfar- 
land, viz : 

Resolved, That this Society in common 
with the whole country, most deeply deplore 
the death of John Marshall, her late illus- 
trious President, her wise Counsellor and 
beneficent Patron. 

We regret that we have not a copy of the 
remarks with which Mr. McFarland accom- 
panied this resolution. This regret is deep- 
ened by an allusion to those remarks in an 
eloquent address delivered by the Rev, Wil- 
liam Atkinson in illustrating the proposition 
that the scheme of African Colonization was 
supported by our most illustrious statesmen; 
men as well qualified as any of their fellow- 
citizens, to judge of the true interests of 
Virginia, and whom malice had never char- 
ged with disloyalty to their native State — 
added, " of the living, sir, it might be invid- 
ious to speak ; but I dare not sir, on such an 
occasion, omit to name the Nestor of his 
country — that illustrious man who while his 
grateful heart contemplates the expanding 
glories of his native land, is saddened by the 
recollection that of the sages who laid the 
foundation of her greatness, he alone re- 
mains. It can be no disparagement of other 
men to name the chief of living statesmen, 
the President of the American Colonization 
Society, James Madison. Of our own late 
President (John Marshall) it would be unne- 
cessary as it would be presumptuous for me 
to say much, after the beautiful and touching 
tribute wliich has been just paid to his mem- 
ory by my friend who immediately preceded 
me, (Mr. IMacfarlaud.) But, sir, I recollect 
that he fell not alone. Almost at the same 
moment that Virginia and this Society were 
deprived of the illustrious Marshall, they 
were called to mourn the untimely death of 
one (Thomas Marshall) who with his name 
and blood possessed also his moral excel- 
lence ; a man who twelve months ago was 
one of the lights and ornaments of this hall; 
in a most trying station manifesting tiie most 
honorable impartiality ; always respected, 
always confided in, always loved ; when I 
think of the almost simultaneous deaths of 
these distinguished men, mv heart instinc- 



tively takes up the lament of the sweet sing- 
er of Israel over another father and another 
son slain together on the mountains of Gib- 
boa, ' How are the mighty fallen ; they were 
lovely and pleasant in their lives and in their 
death they were not divided.' When the 
Colonization Society was established, Mr. 
Jefferson had retired from public life. He 
took no active part in any enterprise of a 
public nature, except that noble institution 
I which he left behind him as a monument 
more durable than brass. But his correspon- 
[ dence exhibits him as deeply imbued with 
Colonization principles, and I am justified in 
placing him in the same bright roll with 
Madison and Marshall. To these must be 
added another name venerable for wisdom, 
virtue and patriotism — the name of one who 
was twice the chief magistrate of Virginia, 
and twice the chief magistrate of the Utiited 
States. His early correspondence with Jef- 
ferson, had impressed our principles deeply 
on the understanding and heart of James 
Monroe. He became President of the Uni- 
ted States at the beginning of our operations. 
All the aid which it was practicable for him 
to give consistently with his Virginia princi- 
ples of Constitutional construction, was cheer- 
fully afforded during his whole term, and 
though not the founder of the Society, it may 
be truly said that but for him Liberia would 
not have existed. Wm. H. Crawford and 
Henry Clay, natives of our State, ceased to 
be Virginians by residence, but they always 
continued Southern men, and they were 
among the most able supporters of the Colo- 
nization cause. Among those of our states- 
men who devoted their talents to the service 
of Virginia, but never filled stations under 
the Federal Government, have been many 
who though less known to fame tlian their 
compeers, have richly merited ail the honor 
due to high talent, pure patriotism and ster- 
ling moral principle. Among these our ^^- 
ciety has found efficient friends. I diue nul 
pass unnoticed Blackburn, the orator of the 
Alleghany, whose wit has so often shaken 
the gravity of this hall, while his pathetic 
eloquence has moved the inmost soul of his 
hearers. And how can I forget Fitzhugh, 
who take him for all iu all approaches as 



The Virginiari History of Jlfrican Colonization. 



73 



nearly as any man who ever lived, the beau- j the purity and virtues of private life. With 
ideal of a Virginia gentleman. Especially a character thus adorned, and a long life de- 



should I be faithless to justice and to friend- 
ship, if I should omit in this catalogue the 
name of one who from my earl}' childhood 
was the friend of my bosom, and for many 
years my brother beloved in Christ, the name 
of him who four years ago was the foremost 
in pressing upon our Assembly the cause of 
Colonization as the only safe policy for Vir- 
ginia, the name of Brodnax, who by a mys- 
terious dispensation of Providence was cut 
down in the midst of his years and of his 
usefulness, (too soon as to our bleeding hearts 
it seemed) for his family, his friends, his 
country, too soon for this Society, too soon 
for the church of God, too soon for all but 
himself. He was spared till those around 
saw that through the influence of the Holy 
Spirit he had become ripe for Herven, and 
then amid the triumphs of faith and hope, 
his emancipated spirit seemed rather like the 
ancient Prophet to be borne to Heaven in a 
chariot of fire than to suffer the common 
doom of our fallen nature." 

The sensibilities of the nation were pain- 
fully excited in May 1836, by intelligence 
that James Madison was ill. On the 27th 
of June he dictated a letter to Professor 
George Tucker. The letter was signed and 
franked by himself. On the folio v,'ing day 
he died as if in a gentle slumber. Mr. Mad- 
ison was a strenuous and active friend of the 
Colonization Society. We subjoin the pro- 
ceedings of the American Colonization So- 
ciety on the occasion of his death. 

The following preamble and resolutions 
were unanimously adopted: 

Amongst the illustrious men to whom, un- 
der Divine Providence, the people of this 
great and prosperous Republic are indebted 
lax their national existence, and for all the 
blessings of a wise, free, and happy form of 
government, not a name deserves to be held 
in more grateful remembrance than that of 
James Madison. To virtues which would 
have honoured the brightest character of 
Rome, he added the graces of tiie (Christian, 
and combined at once and in the highest de- 
gree the best attributes of the patriot with 

10 



voted to the service of country, he has at 
length gone to receive the reward of both. 
He has descended to the tomb full of years 
and full of honors, and amidst the universal 
regrets of his countrymen. Blessed indeed 
is the memory of that man whose name a 
whole people rise up with one heart and one 
accord to honor. Participating as this Board 
sincerely does, in the sorrow of their fellow- 
citizens for a common loss, the mombers of 
the American Colonization Society are call- 
ed upon in an especial manner to mourn an 
event which has deprived them of the Pre- 
sident and honored head of their Institution, 
his warm and constant attachment to which 
was in consonance with the wisdom and phi- 
lanthropy which distinguished him through 
life. In testimony therefore of the profound 
veneration and grateful respect in which his 
memory is held by this Board, 

Resolved, That the members of this Board 
have heard with the deepest regret of the 
decease pf their venerated fellow-citizen, 
James Madison, late President of the United 
States, and President of the American Colo- 
nization Society. 

Resolved, That the members of this Board 
will wear the usual badge of mourning on the 
loft arm for one month. 

Resolved, That the next settlement which 
shall be established in the Colony of Liberia 
bear the name of Madison. 

Resolved, That there be procured a bust or 
portrait of the deceased, to be placed in the 
office of the Board of Managers. 

Resolved, That the President of the Board 
transmit a copy of these resolutions to the 
respected widow of the deceased sage, with 
the assurances of the sincere condolence of 
this Board in her great and irreparable loss. 
JAMES LAURIE, 
President of the Board of Managers. 
A true copy from the minutes : 

P. R. Fendall, Recorder. 

Subjoined are the letters of the President 
of the Board of Managers, communicating 
the foregoing Resolutions to Mrs. Madison, 
and her answer : 



47 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



Washington, July 21, 1836. 

Mada?n : — The Resolutions which I have 
~* the honor to enclose, were passed unanimous- 
ly by the Board of Managers of the Ameri- 
can Colonization Societj^, of which the emi- 
nent Patriot and Statesman, whose decease 
led to their adoption, was the venerated Pres- 
ident. On that Institution his exalted worth 
shed a hallowed and benign influence, and 
long and affectionately will his memory be 
cherished by those who were encouraged by 
his opinions and aided by his liberality in a 
season of no ordinary difficulty and trial. 
And it is animating to know that his rea-ard 
for the society and his confidence in those 
by whom its affairs have been conducted re- 
mained unshaken to the very close of his 
honourable and distinguished career — and 
were so unequivocally expressed by him in 
his will. 

By this bereavement we have lost a tried 
and imwavering friend. The loss we deeply 
deplore. And what citizen of this great Re- 
public, which he did so much to elevate, de- 
plores it not? But that loss, madam, which 
we so poignantly feel, must be felt with an 
intensity of which we can form no adequate 
conception by you — ijoti who were his com- 
panion in the journey of life — yoze who shar- 
ed so richly in the exercise of his social and 
domestic virtues, — his partner in sorrow and 
in joy. 

The Resolutions enclosed evince the high 
estimation in which the late lamented Presi- 
dent of the American Colonization Society 
was held by the Board of Managers of that 
Institution ; and I have been directed to con- 
vey to you the expression of our sympathy 
and condolence on this melancholy occasion. 
I feel myself honored in being the organ 
of this communication : and embrace the 
opportunity of expressing individually, my 
sorrow for the heavy stroke, which in the 
course of Divine Providence has fallen upon 
you. May he by whom that stroke has been 
inflicted, support you under it ! And at 
length (may the day be distant !) when 3'ou 
too shall be summoned hence, may it be to 



the enjoyment of imperishable glory through 
Jesus Christ our Lord! — 

I have the honor to be, madam, &c. 
JAMES LAURIE, 

President Board of Managers Am. Col. Societij. 
Mrs. Dolly P. Madison. 

Vour first communication, my kind friend, 
was duly received containing " an extract 
from the Journal of the Board of INIanagers 
of the American Colonization Society," of 
which you are President, accompanied by 
your impressive and excellent letter. But 
finding my incapacity to answer notices from 
Societies whose consideration and regard for 
my lamented husband had induced them to 
favor me with copies of their proceedings as 
well as manifestations of their sympathy, I 
had omitted my acknowledgments to you ; 
which I now regret, as it appears from your 
last letter that some anxiety rested upon 
your mind on the subject of delay. This I 
hope you will permit me to remove, by an 
assurance of the deep sensibility with which 
I perused the Rsolutions of a Society, so 
highly estimated by him, for its wisdom and 
its ])]iilanthropy. 

Yours with great respect, 

D. P. MADISON. 
The Rev. Dr. Laurie. 

Monfpelier, ^^vgusi il, 1836. 

The following persons were elected offi- 
cers of the Society for the year 1836, viz : 

John Tyler, President. 

James Aladison, James Pleasants, William 
Maxwell, H. G. W^inston, Abel P. Upshur, 
John H. Cocke, Edward Colston, Judge 
Summers, S. S. Baxter, C. F. Mercer and 
James M. Garnett, Vice-Presidents. 

Joseph Mayo, Corresponding Secretary. 

David I. Burr, Recording Secretai-y. 

Benjamin Brand, Treasurer. 

James E. Heath, John Hampden Pleasants, 
Wm. H. Fitzwhylson, N. Mills, F. James, 
H. A. Claiborne, H. Neilson, J. C. Crane, 
Wm. H. Macfarland, James Gray, Gustavus 
A. Myers, Managers. 

Messrs. Macfarland, Claiborne, Burr and 
James were appointed a committee to pre- 
pare an address to the people of the State 
upon the principles and purposes of the Col- 
onization Society of Virginia. 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



75 



Messrs. Myers and Pleasants were appoin- 
ted to take charge of a memorial of the Ame- 
rican Colonization Society, asking modifica- 
tion of the act of March 1833 — said memo- 
rial being by the late President, Judge Mar- 
shall. 

The Rev Charles W. Andrews was ap 
pointed Agent of this Society. 

On the 7th of April, a meeting was held 
in the 2nd Presbyterian Church at Richmond, 
and addresses were made by the Rev. Ch. 
W. Andrews, the Rev. Mr. Jeter, the Rev. 
Dr. Plummer and the Rev. Mr. Wood. On 
motion of Mr. Andrews, the following reso- 
lutions were adopted : 

Resolved, That we regard the claims of 
Africa to the sympathies of American Chris- 
tians as among the most affecting claims ur- 
ged by the Heathen world. 

2. That we hear with peculiar satisfaction 
the opening furnished in the good Providence 
of God for meeting these claims, through the 
enterprise of colonizing such of our free peo- 
ple of color as may be disposed to emigrate. 

3. That to all human appearance the best 
interests of religion and humanity would be 
promoted by the active prosecution of this 
benevolent object. 

4. That when this Society in all its ope- 
rations is injurious to none, it is especially 
beneficial to the South. 



CHAPTER XII. 

Petition to the Legislature ; Report of Select 
Committee of Jan. 30, 1837; Extract from 
Fredericksburg Arena ; Jlnnual Meeting of 
1837 ; Extract from Report ; Speeches of 
Alessrs. Marshall, Randolph, Anderson, 
Smith and Maxwell. 

The Colonization Society of Virginia peti- 
tioned tlie Legislature of that State at its 
present session lor a ciiaiter. The petition, 
together with others on the subject of Afri- 
can Colonization, was referred to a Select 
Committee of the House of Delegates. 

On the 30lh of January, Mr. Watkins, from 
the Select Committee on the subject of Afri- 
can Colonization, made the following report : 
The committee to whom was referred the 
petition of the Board of Managers of the 



Colonization Society of Virginia, together 
with a petition of divers citizens of Frede- 
ricksburg, on the same subject, have had the 
said petitions under their consideration, and 
have come to the following resolutions there- 
upon : 

Resolved, That so much of the petition as 
prays for the passage of an act to incorpo- 
rate the said society (but subject to alteration 
and repeal at all times) is reasonable. 

Resolved, That so much of the petition as 
prays for an amendment of the act of 1833, 
making provision for the removal of free per- 
sons of color from this State, and for a re- 
moval of the restrictions which have hitherto 
rendered that provision unavailing, is reason- 
able. 

On the 1st of February, a petition was pre- 
sented to the House of Delegates, by Mr. 
May, of Citizens of Petersburg, for aid to 
the Colonization Society of Virginia, and 
one by Mr. Willis, of the Colonization Soci- 
ety of Lynchburg, asking aid from the Legis- 
lature. 

" We should deem it," says the able and 
eloiiuerit Editor of the Fredericksburg Are- 
na, " supererogatory to enter, at this day, on 
the discussion of the merits of the coloniza- 
tion scheme. Suffice to say, it is emphati- 
cally a Virginia measure, and had its origin 
in certain resolutions of the Legislature early 
in the present century — that it has received 
the support of our most enlightened states- 
men and purest patriots, and that it com- 
mends itself now to the munificent liberality 
of the Legislature, by considerations which 
cannot bo overlooked by any man solicitous 
for tlic welfare of the good old Common- 
wealth. We confine our views to the scheme, 
as a politico-economical measure, in which 
respect only, perhaps, statesmen mny legiti- 
mately legislate upon it. Not that we are 
insensible to the other glorious relations of 
the enterprise. Who, that has a heart, could 
view with indilierence the results that must 
accrue to Africa herself, from the introduc- 
tion of civilization and cliristianity, through 
its instrumentality } And it is surely no ob- 
jection to the scheme, that, afiecting benefi- 
cially our social and political condition, it 
passes from the thousands and hundreds of 
thousands, who are its immediate beneficia- 



76 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



ries, and bears upon the destinies of a dis- 
tant continent. 

" Its blest effects low reaching to the earth, 
its tow'ting summit lost beyond the thought 
Of man or angel." 

" With respect to Colonization in Virgi- 
nia, a new era has dawned. The State So- 
ciety has, for the first time, asked to be in- 
corporated, and prayed legislative aid to a 
plan lately broached of founding a new set- 
tlement on the coast of Africa, to .be called 
' New Virginia.' The memorial of the soci- 
ety, as well as a petition from citizens of 
Fredericksburg praying aid to the cause, were 
referred to a select committee, which has re- 
ported favorably. We understand that a large 
majority of both Houses are disposed to do 
.something to aid the society, and we feel 
persuaded, no measure would be more gen- 
erally acceptable to the people at large." 

Friday, Febrxiary 10. A petition was pre- 
sented by Mr. Stuart, of citizens of the coun- 
ties of Rockingham and Augusta, praying 
an aj)propriation by the Legislature in aid of 
the Virginia Colonization Society, and a re- 
moval of the restrictions contained in the act 
of the General Assembly passed in 1833. 

The Richmond Whig of February 14, says : 
The report of the Select Committee declar- 
ing reasonable the petitions for the incorpo- 
ration of the Virginia Colonization Society, 
and aniending the act of 1833 so as to make 
its provisions available, was agreed to by the 
House of Delegates yesterday, and a bill or- 
dered. 

A meeting of the Virginia Colonization 
Society was held at the capitol, on Wednes- 
day evening, January 11, 1837. The audi- 
ence was one of the most numerous and in- 
tellio'ent ever convened in Richmond. Tiie 
President being absent. Judge May was call- 
ed to the chair. 

The annual report was then presented and 
read by the Rev. Chas. W. Andrews, general 
agent of the society. 

After noticing the early history of Africa, 
the project of planting colonies there, con- 
ceived in 1783 by Granville Sharpe, the foun- 
der of Sierra Leone, the accessions in 1791 
10 that settlement, of slaves taken by the 
British army in our revolutionary war, and 



first settled in Nova Scotia; the subsequent 
accession, about the year 1805, of the Ma- 
roons from Jamaica ; the extension of the 
patronage of the British Government to this 
colony in 1807 ; and the present number, 
near 30,000, of its present population, the 
report gives a brief history of the American 
scheme of African Colonization. It adverts 
to the support given to it by Mr. Monroe, 
Chief Justice Marshall, Mr. Madison, and 
other distinguished Virginians, and to the 
deaths of two who were Vice Presidents of 
the Virginia society — James Pleasants, for- 
merly Governor of the State, and Horatio G. 
Winston. It states that, prior to 1828, two 
legislative appropriations in aid of it were 
made ; and that though, in consequence of 
the restrictions annexed to the act of March 
4, 1833, but little benefit proceeded from it, 
the amount of private donations had been 
increased. "As far," it adds, "as public 
sentiment can be ascertained, it is believed 
that the whole community are desirous of the 
success of this cause. Instances have oc- 
curred, in which all the religious denomina- 
tions of a town, closing their respective pla- 
ces of worship on the sabbath, have assem- 
bled at one place, io hear the claims of this 
great work of Christian charity. 

" The amount of funds raised during the 
past yearshowsan increase over former years 
which is truly encouraging. The amount 
raised in Virginia during the year 1834 was 
about $2,000, in 1835 about $3,000, and in 
1836 the amount raised or subscribed is near 
$8,000. Of this, $1,500 was from the estate 
of the late General Blackburne, and other 
considerable sums having been paid to the 
present board, will not appear in the account 
of the treasurer of this society. Between 
$300 and $400, raised in Norfolk, is retain- 
ed by the auxiliary society there, with the 
hope of increasing it to such an amount as 
will enable them to send a vessel, with emi- 
grants to Africa, from that place. 

"Many of the most prominent iiidividuals 
in difllerent parts of the State have manifest- 
ed a praiseworthy zeal in promoting the in- 
terests of colonization." 

On motion of Mr. Marshall, of Fauquier, 

Resolved, That the report of the Board of 



The Virginian History of Jlfrican Colonization. 



77 



Managers be adopted, and printed under their 
direction. 

On motion of Mr. Thomas Jefterson Ran- 
dolph, of Albemarle, 

Resolved, That the members of this society, 
in common with every member of the com- 
munity, are deeply penetrated with regret for 
the loss of their distinguished fellow-citizen, 
James Madison, late the first vice president 
of this society; and that they are called upon 
to mention with gratitude his warm attach- 
ment and munificent liberality to this institu- 
tion ; and that they have heard, with pleas- 
ure, the determination of the parent society 
to call by his name the next settlement which 
shall be founded in Liberia. 

Mr. Randolph said, having known Mr. 
Madison, sir, from my earliest childhood — 
having known him in the full power of his 
gigantic intellect, in the employments of the 
highest ofiicial station, in the peaceful re- 
tirement of private life, in its decline and 
honored age, until he was gathered to his fa- 
thers, loved and lamented ; having, in com- 
mon with my countrymen, admired him for 
his talents and services ; honored him for his 
patriotism, and loved him as a great and good 
man ; loving him myself with a truly filial 
affection, I shall make no apology for present- 
ing this slight testimonial of respect to his 
memory. In looking around upon thjs nu- 
merous audience, in beholding the drajjery 
of mourning for his deatli still pendant from 
(he chair in which you sit, I am warned that 
any commendatory remarks, any attemj)t at 
an appeal to your feelings, would be utterly 
untimed and misplaced. 

On motion of Mr. Anderson, of Botetourt, 

Resolved, That this society adheres to the 
object of its original institution, and is en- 
tirely distinct from, and opposed to, those 
foreign and fanatical associations which seek 
to revolutionize the domestic relations of the 
Southern States. 

In support of this resolution, Mr. Ander- 
son, after remarking on the object of the 
" venerable patriots, philantropists, and chris- 
tians, who laid the foundation of the Colo- 
nization Society ; on their desire to melio- 
rate tlie condition of the free negroes, (the 
most degraded portion of our population ;) 
to elevate them from their debased condition 
to the standard of enlightened freemen and 



citizens ; to afford an opportunity and hold 
out an inducement to the liberal and humane 
master, to emancipate his meritorious slaves," 
adverted to the effect of the institution in 
transmitting to Africa " our arts and sciences, 
our free, useful, and enlightened institutions, 
and our pure and sublime religion."' The 
orator then characterized the colonizing 
scheme as the most effectual means of sup- 
pressing the horrible slave trade. In assert- 
ing its opposition to abolition associations, 
he used the following language : 

Sir, I had been disposed to think that many 
of my Southern friends were attaching too 
much importance to these associations ; but 
since their incendiary schemes have received 
not only the countenance, but the approba- 
tion and support of theExecutive department, 
of at least one of the first States of this con- 
federacy, it is time for the Old Dominion, and 
all those who have common interest with her, 
to be girding on their armor. Sir, this is a 
controversy which cannot be settled by argu- 
ment. The honor and safety of the South 
require that the first onset should be met at 
the point of the bayonet. In such a contest 
I do not fear the result. In the present cri- 
sis, it behooves the generous South to pat- 
ronize, and liberally support, the coloniza- 
tion scheme, for wc know the influence of 
public opinion. It furnishes to our gallant 
countrymen in foreign lands the most effec- 
tual means to repel the insolent slanders and 
groundless calumnies of abolitionists, as has 
been recently most happily illustrated by the 
controversy between our patriotic and talen- 
ted Breckinridge and a distinguished Scotch 
abolitinist. What American can read his 
able aiid triumphant defence of his country- 
men, against the false and diabolical attacks 
of abolitionists, without feeling his heartburn 
within him ? Sir, it is the true policy as well 
as the duly of the South, to patronise with a 
liberal hand the colonization scheme; and I 
hope that our Legislature will, at the present 
session, set an example to her sister States 
worthy of imitation, by making a liberal ap- 
propriation to this generousand nobleschcme 
— an institution which breathes love (o God 
and peace and good will to men. 

Oji motion of Mr. Smith, of Culpeper, 
Resolved, Tiiat the progress and present 
condition of our colonies in Africa warrant 



78 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



x\\c li.opc which wc entertain, that they will 
continue to flourish and promote all the best 
interests of Africa, and the wiiole African 
race. 

The eloquent remarks of tliis gentleman 
were closed as follows : 

" Our sister Maryland has a magnificent 
appropriation of $200,000 devoted to this 
great object; but what have we done ? No- 
thing, sir ! no, nothing to which we can ad- 
vert with pride and pleasure. It is true, Mr. 
President, we have a standing appropriation 
of $18,000 a year; but this inconsiderable 
sum is so shackled as to be unavailing. Let 
the General Assembly, then, brush this obsta- 
cle from, our path. So wide awake are the 
people to the importance of colonizing our 
free negroes — so deeply sensible of the jus- 
tice and enlarged benevolence which prompts 
their settlement on the shores of Africa, that 
I doubt not they would cheerfully tjustain 
their delegates here, in freely dipping into 
the public crib, in aid of an object so dear to 
the head and heart, whether regarded as one 
of policy or humanity; I, at least, as the 
honored representative of a people, both en- 
lightened and benevolent, would net hcsitiite 
to vote decided and. efficient aid. 

" Mr. President, one more suggestion, and 
I have done. The day on which our forefa- 
thers first placed their fo(;t upon these shores, 
at Jamestown, is celebrated as an anniversa- 
ry. Lei the day on which the first settlement 
was made in Africa be likewise thus com- 
memorated. On that day, let every minister 
of God, throughout the christian world, de- 
liver appropriate addresses, and take up col- 
lections, in aid oi" this great and sacred un- 
dertaking. The appeal would not be in v;iin. 
The sublimi; fact that, at the same moment, 
ilnoughont this broad land, the servants of 
llic Most Higli were making the same spirit- 
stirring appeal, in aid of this holy work, 
would ol ilseli" strike ihe chords of sympa- 
thy in our souls, and be inevitably pruduc- 
livo of the sweetest and haj)piest results. 

" Sir, T could c-pcak upon this subject from 
the rising lo the setting sun ; but 1 will not 
longer detain you and this assembly. I move 
the adoption of the resolution which I have 
had the honor to submit." 

On motion of Mr. Maxwell, of Noriblk, 

Resolved, That the Managers of the Soci- 



ety be, and they are hereby, instructed to 
take pro])er measures for obtaining a suita- 
ble tract of territory on the coast of Africa, 
for the establishment of a new plantation, to 
be called New Virginia; and to be settled 
by free people of color, including manumit- 
ted slaves, from our own State, as soon as 
the necessary funds can be obtained for the 
purpose, from the patriotic contributions of 
our fellow-cilizens, and the generous aid of 
the Legislature of our Commonwealth. 

In offering this resolution, Mr. Maxwell 
said, he begged leave to ofl'er a resolution, 
for which the resolution which they had just 
adopted, and the eloquent remarks which 
they have heard in support of it, frotn his 
friend from Washington, (Mr. Gurley,) had 
most happily prepared the way, and which 
he should submit to the meetino- with creat 
pleastire, as it was in perfect accordance 
with all the convictions of his understanding, 
and with all the feelings of his heart. It 
was in these words, [here Mr. M. read the 
resoluion, and then proceeded.] 

Mr. President, I am one of those who 
hailed the first establishment of the Ameri- 
can Colonization Society, about twenty years 
ago, u'ith warm, and I may say, with enthu- 
siastic delight. I thought then, sir, as 1 
think now, that the object of the society — 
the sole and single object which it had lion- [ 
estly avowed, and which all will agree it has • 
most j'aithfully and honorably pursued, which 
\wi\ii to remove our free people of color, with 
their own consent, from our country to the 
coast of Africa, the land of their fathers — 
was worthy ol" all sujq)ort, both as it prom- 
ised to promote the welfare of the emigrants 
themselves, and, at the same time, to libe- 
rate our land from a part of its population 
which it coulil well spare, and which it 
would in fact be better without. And look- 
ing beyond the immediate object of the en- 
terprise to the inlluence which it would nat- 
urally and evitably exert upon the institution 
of slavery as it exists in our Southern State.--, 
1 thought that the infiuence could be onh 
salutary an<l benign ; for I saw at once, sir, 
that it could only operate — as we see it ha;- 
in fact operated — to enable and encourage 
masters to manumit their slaves, simply by 
removing all the obstructions and impedi- 
ments which had previously prevented them j 



The Virginian tlisiory of African CotonizaUon. 



79 



from doing it, which had damned up, as it 
were, "the genial current of their souls," 
and leaving the stream to How on, in its own 
natural and proper channel, to the ocean. 
In this way, I thouglit it was obvious that 
it must do great good ; for it must tend to 
lessen at least, and if it was prosecuted with 
proper spirit, might greatly lessen, and in 
conjunction with other measures, which it 
would perhaps suggest an aid, might ulti- 
mately even remove entirely the whole of 
that enormous evil under which our country 
had so long groaned, and under which it 
groans to this hour. I thought too, sir, as I 
remember it was strongly argued at that 
time, that the establishment of colonies of 
these people, at diflerent points along the 
coast of Africa, would do much to abolish 
that most impious and infamous traffic, that 
atrocious " piracy," as it has been most 
justly enacted and branded to be — the slave 
trade. And I thought, moreover, that whilst 
we were prosecuting our enterprise, we 
should be diffusing the benefits of our free 
institutions, and all the blessings of our gra- 
cious and glorious Christianity, through that 
dark and benighted region of the world, with 
tlie most happy effect. 

" With these views, sir, 1 rejoiced with all 
my lieart in the establishment of the socie- 
ty. And I rejoiced the more in it, sir, be- 
cause I knew that it had emanted in fact 
from the counsel of our own State, from a 
resolution wliich, as we have heard, had 
been adopted but a short time before, by the 
honorable body which holds its sessions in 
this hall — by the House of Delegates of our 
State. The society was thus the creature, 
the child of Virginia; and as they tell us 
that fabulous Minerva broke out full armed 
from the head of Jupiter, so this fair, this 
real divinity, I saw had sprung forth, not ex- 
actly full armed, (for she was indeed most 
peaceable and most amiable in all her as- 
pects,) but full-formed, in all her wisdom 
and all her charms, from the head, and from 
the heart, of our virgin Commonwealth; 
and I loved the beautiful daughter not only 
for her own, but also ibr lier mother's sake. 

" With th^se sentiments, sir, I have heard 
from time to time, with great satisfaction, the 
intelligence which we have received of the 
progress of our cause, and of the growing 



and flourishing state of the'colonies^which 
we have heard this evening from the^report 
which has been read, and which serve to 
show us what we ha^ done, and what we 
may do. And I have been particularly 
pleased, sir, to see that Virginia has favored 
and fostered these colonies, which are in 
fact her own, with the care which she owed 
them; for I cannot agree, sir, in the remark 
that has been dropped, that she has not done 
her part by them. The charge indeed has 
been, not unkindly I am sure, but still I 
must say most unjustly brought against her. 
On the contrary, I think, and must say, that 
we, the people of Virginia, have contributed 
as liberally to them as those of any part of 
the United States, according to our means. 
I say according io our means ; for if we have 
not given quite as much as some others, in 
donations of money, we are not so rich as 
some others. We are comparatively, in- 
deed, if not positively, a poor people. We 
cannot afford to give as much as those who 
have got the wealth of the country in their 
hands. But according to our ability, (which 
I take to be the true measure of liberality,) I 
maintain that we have given as generously 
to this cause as those of any State in our 
Union, even in vioney. And we have given 
much more in men, in manumitted slaves, 
who would have brought money in the mar- 
ket, if their masters had not nobly preferred 
giving them their freedom for nothing; for 
nothing at least but the generous and godlike 
pleasure of liberating them in this way. And 
we have given some men to these colonies, 
sir, whose value, whose services to them, have 
been above all price, and one, particularly, 
whom I may mention, now no more, (for 
he died a martyr to the cause of infant lib- 
erty in Africa,) who was worth more than 
liis weight in gold — I mean the eloquent, the 
pious, and the gallant Lot Carey, an emi 
grant from this city, whose talents, whose 
virtues, and whose devotion to the cause for 
v/hich he lived, and in which he died, have 
won the admiration of all who knew him, 
or have heard of hinj ; and whose name, sir, 
black as he was, shall brighten one of the 
brightest pages in the history of Africa, and 
of Virginia who gave him to her, to the end 
of lime. So our citizens, I say, (or many 
of them,) have done (heir duty tothi.s cause . 



so 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



and some of our utmost distinguished men, 
(as we have seen,) have signalized their at- 
tacliment to it by bene^ctions and bequests 
which are worth infinitely more than the 
mere money which they involved, from the 
association and sanction of their memorable 
names. 

And our Legislature, too, has done some- 
thing for it; not as much, indeed, as I could 
have wished ; but still something worth re- 
membering. It has given our emigrants, on 
two different occasions, supplies of clothes 
and implements of husbandry ; and it has 
passed, two or ihree years ago, a generous 
act making a liberal appropriation of ninety 
thousand dollars, payable in five annual in- 
stalments of eighteen thousand dollars each, 
to promote and encourage the emigration of 
free people of color from our own State to 
Liberia. It is true, indeed, as the report has 
reminded us, it unfortunately clogged this 
noble grant with conditions, which have al- 
most nullified it in fact ; but in so doing, it 
has, I am sure, unwittingly defeated its own 
design; and I cannot doubt for a moment 
that it will, at a word, readily knock off 
those inconvenient shackles from the act, 
and set it free. And I think, too, I may 
venture to predict, and almost promise for 
it, that it will, at no distant day, do still more 
for our aid, and something that shall be al- 
together v/orthy of itself, and of our cause. 
So I think, sir, there is no reason to com- 
plain that our State has not done its part, 
and its full part, with others, in this good 
work. 

Still I must confess, and do, that v>'c have 
not ''done all that we ought to have done, 
nor the half, nor the thousandth part, indeed, 
considering the magnitude of the underta- 
king, and our immediate interest in the 
prosecution of it ; and I do most heartily 
agree with my worthy friend from Washing- 
ton, that the time is now fairly come, when 
we ought to increase our exertions in this 
noble cause. The success which has attend- 
ed our past efforts, and the growing popu- 
larity of our enterprise, do indeed warrant, 
and ought to encourage us to put forth all 
our strength to accelerate its course. In 
sailor's phrase, we have got a good offing, 
and we should no longer hug the shore, but 
launch out boldly into the deep, and spread 



our sails to the winds of heaven. The 
ocean, you see, sir, smooths his waves be- 
fore us, and Africa comes out fro lier 
woods to welcome and embrace the ship 
that comes laden with her sons and daugh- 
ters, and with innumerable and incalculable 
blessings for her race, and for all mankind. 
In this spirit, I propose, sir, in the words 
of the resolution, that we instruct our man- 
agers " to take proper measures for obtain- 
ing a suitable tract of territory on the coast 
of Africa, for the establishment of a new 
plantation, to be called New Virginia, and 
to be settled by free people of color, inclu- 
ding manumitted slaves, from our own State," 
&c. I call it a new "plantation," sir, be- 
cause it was the term originally applied to 
our own colony, and I wish our new one to 
be, as it v/ere, a slip from the old stock. I 
mean, however, that our plantation shall be, 
to all intents and purposes, a State — a 
" free, sovereign, and independent State," 
in all the fullest and freest sense of the term ; 
yet not a solitary or single one, but bearing 
some such relation to Liberia, and to the 
American Colonization Society, of course, 
as our State does to the United States, or to 
the Union, aiul to the General Government ; 
for we must have, in due time, a Union 
there also; another constellation, sir, if you 
please, of social stars, mingling their rays 
together in another hemisphere. This is 
the general idea, sir, which it is not neces- 
sary, I suppose, to exjilain more particularly 
.ust now. And the reasons which recom- 
Jmend this proceeding are plain and strong. 
I shall not detain you, however, at this late 
hour, to state them at large ; but I will jus; 
throw them out as briefly as possible. 

And, in the first place, it appears to nie 
that, by establishing a new and separate col- 
ony of our own, we shall naturally feel a 
new and particular interest in its welfare. 
As it is, indeed, we do not throw these peo- 
ple ofl" from us, as aliens unworthy oi our 
regard. We do not throw them overboard, 
as some seem to think, and leave them to 
swim for their lives. No, sir, but we follow 
them with our eye?, and our hearts, to that 
distant shore ; and we sympathize with them 
in all their fortunes and their fates. But, as 
things are, we cannot see them quite so dis- 
tinctly as we could wish ; for we often lose 



The Virginian History of Jlfricaa Colonization. 



81 



sight of them as they become mixed up in 
t!ie mass of emigrants from other States. I 
propose, then, to put them down in " a 
suitable tract of territory," and keep them 
tiiere together, that we may "-ee more clear- 
ly what they are doing, and how they are 
going on, and coming on; and brood over 
them, as it were, with our whole hearts. 
We shall know them all then, sir, almost 
individually, by their names, (which are our 
own names,) and look upon them, not as 
outcasts, bin as brethren, whom we might 
be a little ashamed, perhaps, to own for such 
while here, but whom we may acknowledi^e 
with affection, and even pride, in their prop- 
er place. So we shall certainly feel a strong- 
er interest in them than we do already. Of 
course, too, we shall enlarge our liberality 
to them. We shall give more to aid them 
in going out, and to set them up in their 
own land. 

At the same time, our people of color 
themselves, I am sure, will like this arrange- 
ment. At present, we see, they are scat- 
tered about amongst others, and are looked 
u|)on, it appears, with rather jealous eyes, by 
some of them ; for it seems, as we have just 
heard, (and I own I liave been a little 
amused to hear it,) they carry out with them 
that passion for governing which they have 
doubtless caught from us, (though they 
could hardly show it here,) a inkling toman- 
age public affairs, and have all things their 
own way — only to have them right. But 
others, it seems, are not quite willing to let 
them ; and that is very natural, too. Well 
then, sir, we will colonize them by them- 
selves — we will set them down there togetli- 
er ; and leave them to strive for the mastery 
with one another; when the most eminent 
and ethereal spirits amongst them will, of 
course, mount ui) over the rest, by the mere 
buoyancy of merit — pretty much as it is here 

at home, where the best and w^^'««s^. yo» I u, vvltl^honor and "alfection, as their native 
know, sir, are a/w'«ys uppermost— and that||J|^j,_ ^j^^ ^^-^y should they not? It is 
will be all fair play, and all exactly right, in- j|.^,g ,i,py ^^-ere once slaves here, (or their 
deed. In this way, then, we shall make our | ^.^^]j,^,.y before them were,) but we did not 
free people of color more willing and ready L^^l^g jj^^^ go_ -yyg jij „ot ^q out to Afri- 
to go out to their new plantation, which 1^^^ jo^ jl,g„^_ -yVe did not drag them away 



make it more interesting to us, and more at- 
tract ivo to them. We shall call it, you ob- 
serve, sir, New Virginia ! And who does 
not feel at once that there is something 
sweet and stirring in the very sound of this 
appellation ? I know, indeed, the poet has 
s;,i(j — or rather has made a lovesick damsel 
say— 

" Wlml's in a tmiiie ? That which we call a rose, 
Cy any other name would smell as sweet." 

But, sir, I deny that there is either philoso- 
phy or poetry in the assertion. On the con- 
trary, sir, I maintain that the rose by any 
other name in the world would not smell 
half as sweet as it does by that very name of 
rose which belongs to it, and which has been 
associated with all its beauty, and all its fra- 
crrance, from our earliest niemo.y 1 Sir, I 
appeal to the hearts of all present on this 
point. Who has not felt the charm of a 
name, when linked v.'ith some charming ob- 
ject, that was still more charming for its 
sake ? So the rose shall be the rose still ; 
and wo will call our new plantation New 
Virginia, in preference to a sy and every 
other name that we could find for it. And 
this name wmU shed an interest over our new 
colony, that will endear it still more to all 
our hearts. We shall love our New Virgin- 
ia, sir, as we love the Old. And these peo- 
ple, sir, will love it too ; for they also love 
our Old Virginia, as well as we. They go 
out from it, we see, with reluctance, (with 
rather more, indeed, than I could wish,) and 
they look back to it from their new land 
with grateful remembrance. I have myself 
heard, with great pleasure, the warm expres- 
sion of this feeling from some of their own 
lips, and I have se3n it in the letters of oth- 
ers. No, happy as they are in their new 
country, and glad as they declare themselves 
to be that they have got to it, still they can- 
not forget Old Virginia, but still remember 



will be ail their own; and more happy in it, 
too 



rom their country and their kin. We did 
not fasten the chains of slavery upon them. 
I may add, that there will be a charm in 'No, but they were brought bound to our 
the very name of our new state, that will ! doors, by Dutchuien, and Englishmen, and 



11 



82 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



Yankees — ay, sir, by llie f.illiers, perhaps, of 
some of those very abolitionists who would 
now tempi them to iheir niin. They were 
sold to our fathers for slaves; but they fell 
into the hands of kind and gentle masters, 
who have liberated them, and sent them back 
again to their own country ; and not the 
lK)or miserable beings that they were when 
they were lorn away from it ; but loaded 
with favors, a thousand limes better than all 
the spoils of the Egyptians, with the arts of 
civilized life, and with the " unsearcliable 
riches" of the gospel of Christ, (" a pearl," 
indeed, " richer than all tlieir" barbarous 
" tribes,") to " vindicate the ways of God 
to man," and to show that even the ruthless 
violence that wrenched them so cruelly from 
their native shore, could be, and should be, 
converted into a miracle of mercy and ot 
blessing, by his redeeminor and restorinu- 
grace. At any rate, sir, they do love our 
Old Virginia, and I trust, therefore, will love 
our New Virginia, and seek it too, the more 
for its name. 

Adopt, then, sir, the resolution which I 
submit. Send it forth to the people of our 
State, who will receive it with cordial appro- 
bation. Appeal to our Legislature, now in 
session, who tv'ill gladly aid our enterprise, 
and perhaps endow our new plantation with 
a generous grant. Address the members of 
the society, and our fellow citizens generally, 
calling upon them for new contributions to 
our funds in behalf of this new object, and 
there will not be a man, or woman, within 
the four corners of our land, who will not 
feel it to be a duty and a privilege to give 
something, according to ability, to the estab- 
lishment of a colony which shall be as a 
mirror in which our Virginia shall see her 
fairest face reflected back upon her, in bright- 
er beauty, across the waves of the Atlantic ; 
and in which all mankind shall behold tlie 
grace and the glory of her justice, of her 
generosity, of her patriotism, and of her piety, 
displayed to all the nations of the earth, till 
time shall be no more. 

On motion of Mr. Burr, the Recording 
Secretary, 

Resolved, That this Society highly appre- 
ciates the labors of their agent, the Rev. C. 
W. Andrews, during the last year, and re- 
commends to the Board of Managers to se- 



cure, if practicable, a continuation of his 
valuable services. 



CHAPTER XIIT. 

Events of 1837 ; Revenue of the Societij ; 
Emigration ; Effect of propos%tionto plant 
" JVev) Virginia" in Jlfrica upon the Libe- 
i'ians ; Movements in Legislature of Virgi- 
nia ; Jlnnual Meeting, January 1838 ; Gov. 
Tyler's Address ; Speeches of Gen. Bayly ; 
.Alex. Rives ; Mr. Maxwell arid Henry Jl. 
Wise. 

The Board of Managers of the Coloniza- 
tion Society of Virginia, on the I7ih of Jan- 
uary, 1837, appointed a committee to take 
measures for carrying into efiect Mr. Max- 
well's Resolution, to establish a " new plan- 
tation" on the Coast of Africa to be called 
"New Virginia." The usual circulars to the 
Clergy and petitions and memorials to the 
Legislature were prepared. 

The news of the project for establishing 
" New Virginia" in Africa, produced quite a 
sensation among the Liberians, who express- 
ed their gratification in a public meeting and 
at the same time rebuked the Abolitionists 
for their efforts to excite the prejudices of 
the Liberians against the Colonization So- 
ciety, 

The revenue of the Colonization Society 
of Virginia for this year, was $4,000, and 
the number of Emigrants from Virginia, 
about one hundred. 

On the 3d of January, 1838, Mr. Crawford 
presented to the General Assembly a peti- 
tion from Shenandoah, asking that the act 
of 1833 might be revived and amended, in- 
creasing the apinopriation in aid of the Col- 
onization Society and placing its disburse- 
ment under the control of the Virginia soci- 
ety, and applying it solely to the removal of 
free persons of color born and residing in 
this State. On the 23d of January, Mr. 
Rives from the Committee on Finance to 
whom this and other petitions were referred, 
made the following report, viz : 

" We have regarded with pleasing concern 
the evidences of private and public interest 
afforded by the number of these petitions, 
and the anxious solicitude ihcy display for 
alleviafinif the growino- evil of a free black 



The Virginian Hisiorij of Ajricaii Colonizuliun. 



83 



population in the State. The policy which 
the General Assembly wisely and liiitnanely 
established upon tliis subject and has since 
constantly favored, will scarcely be abandon- 
ed under such decided indications of popu- 
lar support and approbation. Therefore 

Resolved, That the prayer of these peti- 
tions is reasonable." 

The Annual Meeting of the Society was 
held in the Capitol on the 10th of .January 
183S. The Hon. John Tyler, President of 
the Society took the chair and F. James was 
ap])ointed Secretary. 

Upon taking the chair, the President de- 
livered the following brief and strikinaf in- 
augural address, which fully sustained his 
rcjMitation as a public speaker. 

I\!ft Tyler on taking the chair said, lie 
could not permit this, the first occasion on 
which it had been in his power to attend a 
meeting of the society since he had been 
elected its President, to pass by, without ex- 
pressing his grateful sense for the honors 
conferred upon him. You have appointed 
me, said he, the successor of one whose 
name is destined to reach a remote posteri- 
ty — of one who, in his j)rivate character and 
conduct, furnished an exemplification of all 
the virtues. John Marshall was among us 
as one of us — plain, unostentatious and un- 
assuming, he left US in doubt which most to 
admire, his unaffected simplicity of charac- 
ter, or his extraordinary talents. Filling the 
highest judicial station — followed by the ad- 
miration of his countrymen — exerting an 
extensive influence by the mere force of his 
genius, over jiublic opinion — his name fa- 
miliar to the lips of the highest and most 
humble of a people inhabiting a continent, 
he seemed alone to be unconscious of his 
own exalted worth. To be appointed the 
successor of such a man, however great my 
own unworthiness, is anhonor of which I have 
cause to be proud. The very origin of the 
Colonization Society is, in my memory, 
identified with him. At its first meeting in 
Washington, curiosity led me to be present; 
notice had been given through the newspa- 
j)ers of the proposed meeting at Brown's 
hotel, and I was attracted thither by the de- 
sire to hear what could be said in favor of a 
scheme in which I was short-sighted enough 
to regard as altogether Utopian. Let me 



frankly confess myself — I did consider it in 
its incipiency as but a dream of philanthropy, 
visiting men's pillows in their sleep, to cheat 
them on their waking. Chief Justice Mar- 
shall, with some fifteen others, were present ; 
but that small number exhibited a constella- 
tion of talent. Henry Clay presided, John 
Randolph addressed the meeting, and Wm. 
H. Crawford was the first president of the 
Colonization Society. Such was the begin- 
ning of a society which now embraces thou- 
sands of the most talented and patriotic men 
in the country. We have been peculiarly 
fortunate, gentlemen, in having to preside 
over our deliberations, in this Hall, one tO 
distinguished for all that can adorn a man, 
as Chief Justice Marshall ; and at the same 
time the privilege of acting in close commu- 
nion with another of those men given by 
God in his especial goodness, as a blessing 
to mankind — I mean James Madison, so 
lately one of our Vice Presidents. I am 
not given much to that idolatry which too 
often puts fetters on the mind, leading il to 
consecrate errors in opinion because ad- 
vanced and sustained by men of exalted 
standing. — But surely I may be permitted to 
say, that the opinions of two such men con- 
curring, bear strong evidence of truth. 
Their minds were of too substantial an or- 
der to indulge in a mere vision. Their judf- 
mentswere too profound to have been misled 
by the deceptive lights of a mistaken philan- 
thropy. While the horizon of the fiiturc 
was clouded so that my own limited vision 
could not penetrate it, ihey stood, as it 
were, on a lofty mountain's top, and a beau- 
tiful prospect was presented to their sight. 
They saw the first landing of the pilgrims 
on the desert shores of Africa — the busy 
and the thriving rose up before their sight — 
the hammer of the artizan sounded in their 
ears — the hum of industry floated on the 
breeze — songs of praise and thanksgiving 
came over the distant waves — the genius of 
civilization had penetrated the wilderness, 
overthrowing in its progress the idol and the 
altar, and rearing on their ruins temples to 
the true and only God. All this they saw, 
and all this vje now see. For myself, after 
learning the successful landing'of the first 
emigrants, and that they were speedily to be 
followed by others, all my doubts vanished. 



84 



The Virginian Histoi-y of African Colonization. 



Tlie roality was before inc. The seed was 
planted — spring- time canieand itvegetafed — 
harvest-time and the crop was abundant. 
])iit a kw years .^ince and no voice of civil- 
ization proceeded from Africa. Now thou- 
sands of civilized beings liavc made it their 
iiome, and the wilderness may be consi- 
dered as reclaimed. The exhibits annually 
made to the public of the state and condi- 
tion of the Colony, are calculated to relieve 
the mind of all doubt. The Colony is plant-' 
cd, — advances with rapid strides, — and Mon- i 
rovia will be to Africa what Jamestown and | 
Plymouth have been to America. Happily; 
their success is equally beneficial to all the ' 
Slates. Nothing sectional enters into i'. 
The saine spirit actuates all; the same poli- 
cy governs all. The free black man is found 
in Maine as well as in Louisiana. What 
tlien shall retard the onward march of this 
great cause .' Heretofore it has looked for 
.'■uccess to private individuals and to the 
state legislatures. My opinion is that it 
should still look to them. To appeal to 
Congress for aid, is to appeal to a body hav- 
ing no power to grant it — a body of restric- 
ted and limited powers, and fettered by the 
terms of its own creation. From that source 
it may get money, but it will lose friends, 
and friends are more valuable to it than mo- 
ney. I would not have it successful with- 
out the concurrence of the States. Our own 
State may be considered the pioneer in this 
great work. On this subject she stands 
proudly pre-eminent. She will doubtless 
do her duty. Policy and humanity go hand 
in hand in this great work ; united in the 
accomplishment of the same object, they 
cannot fail to succeed. Philanthropy, when 
separated from policy, is the most dangerous 
agent in human affairs. It is no way distin- 
guishable from fanatacism. It hears not, 
sees not, understands not. It is deaf, and 
hears not the admonitions of truth and wis- 
dom. It is blind, and walks over prostrate 
victims, and amid the ashes of desolation, 
without perceiving that its feet are stained 
in blood, and that its garments are discol- 
ored. It understands not, until the voice of 
sorrow and lamentation, proceeding from the 
sepulchre of man's fondest hopes and bright- 
est expectations, arouses it to conscious- 
ness. And is there not a spirit of that sort 



now at work in our own fair land ? It is 
the antagonist of that which we cherish. It 
invades our hearths, assails our domestic 
circles, preaches up sedition and encourages 
insurrection. It would pull down the pillars 
of the constitution, and even now shakes 
them most terribly, — would violate the most 
sacred guarantees, — would attain its object 
by sundering bonds which bind and only 
have power to bind these States together: — 
the bonds of affection and brotherly love. 
It seeks to excite inextinguishable prejudi- 
ces in the minds of one-half of our people 
against the other half. It acts in league 
with foreign missionaries, and gives open 
countenance to the people of another hem- 
isphere to interfere in our domestic affairs. 
It is sectional, altogether sectional ;» in a 
word, it is the spirit of abolition. From 
this place I denounce it, and this society 
denounces it. The weapons which it uses 
are the weapons of slander and abuse : — 
not as to one sex or condition of existence 
only, but all — all are abused and slandered 
by it. It labors to induce the usurpation of 
a power by Government, which would be 
attended by the destruction of the Govern- 
ment itself, in the substitution (if a work so 
disastrous to the liberties of mankind could 
be effected) of a consolidated government — 
a mere majority machine — in place of the 
happy federal system under which we live. 
The opinion already prevails with many, that 
theVovernmentis a unit, and the people a unit! 
I care not from whence they derive sanction 
for this — but this I will say, that whether such 
sanction comes from the living or the dead — 
from men in power, or men out of power, it 
is false in theory and destructive in practice. 
Each State, as to all matters not ceded by 
compact, is as sovereign as before the adop- 
tion of the constitution. What right then 
have the people of one State to interfere 
with the domestic relations of any other 
Slate .^ what right to agitate in order to af- 
fect their neighbors ? The reverend clergy, 
too, they whose doctrine should evermore 
be, peace on earth and good will to men, 
are lending themselves to this pernicious 
work. Tkey seek to enlist woman — she 
who was placed upon the earth, as the rain- 
bow in the heavens, as a sign that ihe temp- 
est of the passions should subside. Woman 



The Virghiian History of .'Ifricnn Colonization. 



85 



is made an instrument to expel us from tiie 
paradise of union in which wo dwell. What 
will satisfy these ministers oi'a gospel which 
alone abounds in love? Do they wish to 
christianize the Heathen? to spread the 
light of the gospel over the benighted places 
ol the earth through the instrumentality of 
this Society, that light may be brought to 
shine where no ray of the gospel sun has 
eeer yet penetrated ? Do they want a more 
extended theatre for their labors than they 
now cnjov ? VVe present them one entire 
quarter of the earlli. We invile them to go 
with us into the wilds of Africa — to sit down 
by the side of the black man — to icach him 
to raise his eyes from the earth on which 
they are bent — lo look up to the heavens and 
to ascend " through nature unto nature's 
God." He works most inscrutably to the 
understandings of men ; the negro is torn 
from Africa, a barbarian, ignorant and idola- 
trous ; — he is restored civilized, enlightened, 
and a christian. The Colonization Society 
is the great African missionary Society. In 
my humble judgment it is worth more, twice 
told, than all foreign missionary societies 
combined. Already it has planted the cross 
among the heathen, and kindled the fires of 
civilization in the desert ; and that cross 
will stand and that light be spread until a 
continent be redeemed. All this is done 
quietly and peaceably and with the acquies- 
cence of society. Charity dictates and pol- 
icy adopts — can any messenger of the Sa- 
viour — can any lover of his race, look upon 
this picture without delight? Will nothing 
content him which is not done in violence? 
Has he fallen in love with anarchy, that he 
woos her so assidiously ? Are envy, malice 
and all uncharitableuess become assistants 
in the ministrations of the altar? Is frater- 
nal feeling and family peace become odious 
in his eyes? But I will dwell no longer on 
these tilings. Our course, gentlemen, lies 
plainly before us; we will steadily pursue 
it"; we interfere with no relation in society. 
In what seek to do we are justified alike by 
the wisdom of the living and the dead, and 
success full, ample and entire, must crown 
the enterprize. 

The annual report was then read by the 
Rev. C. W. Andrews, late agent of the So- 
ciety, which on motion of G. A. Myers, 



Esq. was accepted and ordered lo be print- 
ed. 

General Bayly, of Accomac, offered the 
following resolution: 

Resolved, That we regard the removal of 
the free people of color from the United 
States to Africa, with their own consent, as 
one of the most efficient means of securing 
their ultimate peace, happiness, and pros- 
perity. 

Gen. Bayly remarked: Just before I came 
to this meeting, Mr. President, I was reques- 
ted to offer the above resolution and advocate 
its adoption. JVotwithstanding, I was thus 
suddenly called upon, I did not hesitate 
lo comply with the reque&t ; for the truth of 
the resolution was too apparent to require 
either eloquence or argument to sustain it. 
The laws of nil the slave holding states 
permit emancipation. It has ever been the 
policy of Virginia to allow the master to free 
the slave. But since 1806 her laws have re- 
quired all slaves thereafter manumitted, to 
leave the Commonwealth. Though our 
laws require all freed slaves to leave the 
stale, as a condition upon their emancipa- 
tion, even philanthropy itself has not provi- 
ded an asylum for them in the United States. 
What shall become of them ? Stern, un- 
yielditig and just policy demands that they 
should not remain in Virginia. But even 
should she be disposed to relax the rigor of 
her laws, ought they to remain within her 
borders? Shall they be taken to the free 
states, even when their laws permit it? \^ e 
are not the enemies of emancipation when 
it is voluntary on the part of the master and 
when it can be effected without injury to 
individuals and society. But when it has 
been legally commenced, we desire to see 
it consummated. This never can be done 
as long as the negro remains in America. 
He never can enjo}'^, here, the high preroga- 
tives of a free man. He may cease to be 
the slave of a single individual, but he will 
continue to be the slave of the community, 
whose oppressions will be greater and whose 
protection will be less, than that of the in- 
dividual master. I repeat: In America, 
the black man never can be free ! — he never 
can have the high-born feelings of a free- 
man, — he must ever be a political and social 
^lave. The shackles never can fall com- 



86 



The Virgiman History of African Colonization. 



pletely from about liim, until he stands upon 
the shores of Africa. 

If, therefore, Mr. President, the negro 
never can be free in America, and if free- 
dom be necessary lo happiness and prosper- 
ity, it seenis to me, that all philanthropists 
should join to bear him lo Africa. 

It will be perceived that the end aimed 
at in the resolution, is not a mad or fanatical 
one, lo be attained at the cost of the pro- 
perty and life of the slave-holder and the 
happiness and prosperity of society. The 
end is no visionary one to Lc arrived at by 
diabolical means. At the same lime that it 
secures the ultimate happiness of the negro, 
it does not destroy, but promotes that ol the 
white man. We are not pursuing a phan- 
tom. We are not seeking an imaginary bles- 
sing for the negro, under the hypocritical 
pretence of d'scharging a moral and reli- 
gious duty, by means which will bring cer- 
tain wo upon the white man. Were such 
our course, we should expect lo be de- 
nounced by the wise and good — we should 
expect to be denounced by all such, as dia- 
bolical or mad ! — We should exi)ectto bring 
down upon ourselves the loathing of man 
and the vengeance of God, who has never 
pardoned evil, because even certain good 
hath come of it. What, then, must be ilie 
fate of him who does palpable and certain 
evil, that an ideal and improbable good may 
come of it ? 

It will be observed, Mr. President, that 
the resolution goes no farther than to de- 
clare that the happinees and prosperity of the 
free negro will be promoted by his removal 
lo Africa. It might have been extendec'. 
It might, with truth, have declared that the 
removal of the free negro to Africa, would 
j)romote ihe peace, prosperity and happi- 
ness of the free negro and the white man — 
of the slave-holder and the slave. But, Sir, 
that view is not contained in the resolution, 
and I forbear to comment upon it. I will 
detain you no longer. Sir, for I am sure the 
resolution will meet with the approbation of 
all. 

On motion of Alexander Rives, Esq., 
of Albemarle, it was 

Resolved, That considering the principle of 
African Colonization as best responding to 
the demands of Southern patriotism and 



benevolence, and offering to the temperate 
wisdom of all parlies, and every secfiou, a 
common ground of resistance against the 
mischievous and reckless enterprises of abo- 
lition, we regard it as eminently entitled Ut 
the confidence and patronage of the people 
of Virginia. 

After some farther eloquent remarks from 
Mr. Rives, he thus alludes to the restriction 
in the law of Virginia, of March 1833, con- 
lining its operation lo people of color wlm 
were free at the lime of its enactment: 

The claims of this institution upon pmxife 
generosity, have not been unheeded. We 
have many gratifying evidences of the cor- 
dial response, v/hich a liberal and sagacious 
public, have, heretofore, made lo our earnest 
clanns upon their support. But the impor- 
tant, and practical question now arises 
whether the spirit of ihe people should be 
reflected by their representatives in this 
hall — whether the nominal appropriation, 
heretofore made by Virginia in aid of these 
objects, shall be continued, and rendered 
elhcient, by t-e removal of the restrictions, 
which have so far defeated its expet)diture. 
I am proud, Sir, to hnve occasion to bear 
testimony lo you of the manifestations of 
popular solicitude in behalf of a renewed 
and unrestricted appropriation to these pur- 
poses, which are daily reaching the body 
of which I am a member. 

Amid such cheering indications of public 
favor, and such inspiriting auguries of ulti- 
mate success, I feel, that I can add no stron- 
ger motives of encouragement to increased 
zeal, liberality and exertion, in the prosecu- 
tion of our enterprise than are found in the 
ready promptings of our own hearts. 

On motion of Sydney S. Baxter, Esq. 
it was 

Resolved, That this Society has heard with 
great pleasure of the successful effort of the 
Legislature and citizens of Maryland toplant 
a colony in Africa, and that it be recom- 
mended to the Board of Managers to adopt 
such measures as in their judgment shall be 
besi calculated to promote the establishment 
of a new colony, for the reception of emi- 
o-rants from this State, as proposed at the 
last annual meeting. 

On motion of Mr. Maxwell, of Norfolk, 
it was 



The Virginirm History of .African CoJomzation. 



87 



Resolved, That the coiitiiiiicd and increas- 
int/ prosperity of our colonies in Liberiii, — 
illustrating, as it does, the free and generous 
spirit of our Commonwealth, and displaying 
the pure and philanthropic genius of Chris- 
tianity, in the fairest and brightest manner, — 
is truly gratifying to all our hearts. 

Mr. Maxwell said that he had come here i 
this evening, (honestly) without intending 1 
to address the meeting. Indeed he had re- 
solved, as he thought, not to do so. But 
alas! sir, said he, as you know, the resolu- 
tion of a gentleman not to speak, is very 
liUe that of a lady, (one of those rainbows, 
sir, that you told us about a while ago,) not 
to marry : — a resolution which, liowever 
wisely and firmly made, is very apt to melt 
away before the breath of the first agreeable 
tempter that presents himself before her. 
And even so it has been with me on this oc- 
casion ; for I find, sir, that I cannot resist — 
indeed I cannot — the temptation to say a 
single word which has been addressed to me 
by a flattering friend, I mean our late wor- 
thy Agent, in the kind allusion which he 
has made to me in the report whicli he has 
read. For, he ttlls us in it — and it is really 
the first time that I liave hoard of it — that 
there has been a meeting in Lil)eria at which 
mention has been made of my name, in 
connexion with the remarks which I made 
before our society here, at our last annual 
meeting, in this hall, on moving the resolu- 
tion to establish a new colony in that coun- 
try, to be called New Virginia. Those re- 
remarks, it seems, published from the press, 
and borne on the wings of some sea-bird, 
(some ship,) have found their way across 
the Atlantic — undrowned in its swelling sur- 
ges — and have awakened echoes in the 
liearts of our freed-men there, who have 
sent us back their cheering voices, to awa- 
ken new echoes in our hearts again this 
evening. Yes, sir, and I must confess that 
1 feel myself not a little flattered to hear 
that my said speech (such as it was) lias 
been encored as it were, and spoken over 
again on that shore. I am sorry, indeed, 
that I do not know who the worthy gentle- 
men was who did me the honor to])ersonate 
me on that occasion ; but I trust that he was 
some good honest l^ellow, — and a true Vir- 
ginian to-boot ; and I hope also, sir, that he 



was duly qualified to play his part with at 
least as much grace as the original before 
you at this present time. But however that 
may be, I rnust say that I do feel truly grat- 
ified by this compliinent, (which I know how 
to appreciate,) and I will add, sir, by your 
leave, that though I atn not perhaps without 
some ambition, yet I shall never envy the 
honors which you, sir, and other gentlemen 
may acquire, from " the applause of listen- 
ing Senates," or admiring Houses of Repre- 
sentaiives, if I can be known, both here and 
in Liberia too, as the faithful friend and con- 
stant advocate of this noble and inspiring 
cause. 

Called upon, then sir, as I am; in this 
way, and bound in duty, as I feel myself to 
be, — like a guest at afeast who has just been 
toasted — to make some acknowledgment for 
the compliment that has been paid me, I 
beg leave to give you a sentiment in the 
shape of a resolution, in these words: [here 
Mr. M read the resolution, and })roceeded.] 
I shall not, however, by any means, attempt 
to enforce this resolution by many words ; 
for I know, indeed, that I may safely trust 
it to speak for itself. Sir, we all feel at 
once that we love this generous cause in 
which we are engaged, not merely for its 
own sake, but still inore for the honor which 
it reflects upon our State. For, it is to her 
counsel, in fact, as we choose to remember, 
that our enterprise owes its origin. And it 
is to her, too, mainly — or, at least, to emi- 
grants from her domain, that Africa owes 
those new settlements which she rejoices to 
see established on her coast ; and which we 
are happy to hear are growing and thriving 
as we could wish. And we must and do 
feel, sir, that "the continued and increasing 
prosperity of those colonies" must, more 
and more, " illustrate the free and generous 
spirit of our Commonwealth." For, it must 
serve to show to all the world, that our Vir- 
ginia — the friend of Liberty — is always nat- 
urally disposed to favor any and every un- 
dertaking tliat can fairly promise to promote 
her cause — with stfely and advantage nU con- 
cerned. It will show at least that we — lier 
sons and daughters — do not hold our freed- 
iTien here in their actual state, by choice, 
but from necessity ; and that we are ready 
and willing to make our half-free people of 



88 



The Virginian History of Jlfrican Colonization. 



color (hardly that) all free, in the only inau- 
ner in which we think it possible, under 
circumstances, that we can make them so, 
consistently with their real welfare, as well 
as our own. And it will show, too, that 
though we cannot suOer our bond-men to be 
liberated, or rather emanci[)ated, here — that 
is to continue here — when we know and feel 
beforehand, from actual and ample experi- 
ence, that it would not, and could not, be 
good for them — nor for us, — to have them 
mingled, or rather confounded, among us — 
yet we are ready and willing to forward them 
when fairly manumitted by their masters, to 
their own father-land — which is the proper 
place for them — and where they may be free 
indeed. Yes, sir, and ■we can rejoice with 
all our hearts, to hear from time to time, 
that they are going on, fairly and bravely, 
in their own way, copying our free institu- 
tions, and all our proceedings ; and we can 
look indeed upon their amusing imitations 
of our actions, as parents look upon those of 
their little children before them — for we 
know, sir that those little children will, b}^- 
and-by be men — and worthy of their sires. 
But, with these sentiments towards them, 
we must feel particularly pleased to hear, as 
we do, that s-atisfied and delighted as they 
are Vv'ith their new land, they yet continue 
to cherish a grateful remembrance of tlieir 
Old Virginia still. Sii-, the report has told 
us with what joy they received the intelli- 
gence of our intention to found a new colo- 
ny in Liberia, which should bear her hon- 
ored name ; and I am happy to be able to 
illustrate their sentiments on this point, a 
little more strongly, by a letter which I have 
received myself from one of them — a cer- 
tain William Draper, formerly of our good 
town of Fredericksburg — a part of which I 
must beg leave to read to you, (in spite of 
its mention of my speech again, which I 
hope you will excuse me for giving along 
with the rest,) only to show the filial feel- 
ing — the true Vii'ginia feeling, I may say — 
which beats in all their breasts. It is en- 
closed, you see, sir, in an envelope, (the 
true congressional style, I believe ) and ad- 
dressed to me. It is dated " Bassa Cove, 
August 17, 1837," and reads thus : " Sir. 
with much pleasure to me to wriie 3'ou this 
few lines, and am in hopes that you and the 



family are well. Sir, in reading one of the 
Colonization Herald of Pennsylvania Socie- 
ty, to my great joy I saw a piece Irom the 
Christian Intelligencer ; the good people of 
my old state are about to settle a colony on 
the coast of Africa. Myself, I being a Vir- 
ginian, born and raised in the town of Fred- 
ericksburg, when I saw that the good people 
of Virginia were about to plant a colony in 
this country, I leave with you and the friends 
of the cause to judge my feelings. True I 
have been in this country thirteen years, 
and returned on a visit in 1828. During my 
visit I had the pleasure of seeing you in 
Norfolk. Sir, we read your speech v.'ith 
much pleasure, and we have witnessed all 
that you have said concerning us and the 
emigrants from other states." Here he re- 
fers to the remark which I made in it, that 
it was said that the emigrants from other 
states were a little jealous of our colonists 
from Virginia — accusing them, it seems, of 
being rather too fond of having all things 
their own way, (only of course, to 
have them exactly right;) and you shall see, 
sir, how he confirms my words. " A num- 
ber of them do not like us ; but they can't 
help themselves. We strive to do that that is 
right, and no more. We have been the 
founders of almost all the different settle- 
ments, and there is some of us would leave 
property if we could do no otherways, and 
do all that we can for New Virginia. You 
may ji^dge that there is some of us that 
would not be satisfied in no other colony 
while ever there was one called New Vir- 
ginia." Such, sir, are the sentiments — 
worthy of a true son of Virginia — which 
beat in the bosom of that man ; and not in 
his only, but, I am persuaded, in the bosoms 
of all the colonists who have gone out along 
with him from our state. And now, sir, 
ought the}' not to endear those colonies still 
more to us, and encourage us to continue 
our care to them ; and prompt us, more par- 
ticularly, to execute the plan which we have 
conceived, of planting a New Virginia in 
Liberia, to extend and perpetuate the glory 
of the Old, in that country, and throughout 
the world, to the end of time. 

But, sir, we may also rejoice in the pros- 
perity of these colonies — and ought to do so 
still more — as it serves to "display the pure 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



89 



and philanthropic genius of Christianity, in 
the fairest and brightest manner" — to the 
eyes of all mankind. Sir, if it was our Vir- 
ginia that planted these colonies, it was 
Christianity, let me tell you, that whispered 
in her ear, and put it in her heart to do it. 
It was Christianity, in fact, that planted our 
old Virginia herself, in a former age ; and it 
is the same benignant Power that has planted 
Liberia — and that shall plant New Virginia 
too — in our day — for a blessing to the whole 
human race. It is she, indeed, sir, and not 
woman, (lovely as she is, and dear to all our 
hearts,) it is Christianity, sir, that is the 
rainbow of the world ; — uniting heaven and 
earth, and blending them both brightly and 
beautifully together, in a sacred and eternal 
covenant of peace and love. Aye, sir, and 
you may see that rainbow now — spanning 
the ocean that swathes our shore — and re- 
conciling two continents that were some time 
strange and hostile to each other, but are 
now consenting and conspiring in this com- 
mon cause. Yes, sir, America, (and our 
Virginia foremost,) has sent the gospel to 
Africa — by the hands of her own sons — by 
men of her own race ; — a noble compensa- 
tion for all the wrongs which she has done 
her — and Africa has received the grace, and 
is satisfied. So the cross has indeed been 
planted on her shore, (beaming more bright- 
ly than the sun ;) and it shall be carried tri- 
umphantly into the interior — and through 
all her bounds — by her proper missionaries — 
to redeem and regenerate the land. Yes, 
sir, and Christianity and Civilization shall 
walk together through all the length and 
breadth of her dominions — diffusing their 
blessings around them — winning the poor 
barbarians from their wild pursuits and j^ast- 
imes, to all the happy engagements, and 
sweet civilities of polished life — and "turn- 
ing them from their dumb idols to the living 
God ; — and in the language of sacred scrip- 
ture, "the wilderness and the solitary pla- 
ces shall be glad for them ; and the desert 
shall rejoice and blossom as the rose." 

The Hon. Henry A. Wise being present, 
was called out by the audience and address- 
ed the meeting as follows : 

Mr. President, I find myself placed in a 
very embarrassing situation. I have just 
gotten out of the cars from the City of Wash- 



ington. Upon arriving here, on a flying visit 
with a friend to this city, I was for the first 
time informed that this meeting was to be 
held here to-night ; and being informed that 
Low. were to preside, I was tempted to attend, 
with the hope of hearing v^^hat we have all 
listened to with so much pleasure, an address 
from you, sir, without the least expectation 
that I should be called on to make an address 
myself. And, sir, I, a perfect stranger here, 
must be pardoned if I am confounded by the 
surprise of being thus called on so suddenly 
to address an enlightened audience like this, 
here assembled, without the least note of 
preparation, either of thought or word, on a 
subject so great and imposing as that of this 
occasion. 

But, sir, my embarrassment does not pro- 
ceed alone froin the want of preparation to 
meet the subject and the occasion. I feel 
myself more embarrassed by the peculiar at- 
titude which I have for several years past 
assumed towards the Colonization Society. 
At the outset of my career in life, sir, I left 
this my mother State, and like many of her 
sons, emigrated to the land of the West. 
There, in the State of Tennessee, I was ap- 
pointed the secretary of a State Colonization 
Society, and I became the zealous and active 
friend and advocate of the great original 
principles of the design to secure and fortify 
the institution of slavery itself by colonizing 
the free people of color, particularly those 
of the slave-holding States, on the shores of 
Africa. After some years absence I return- 
ed to this good old Commonwealth, and con- 
tinued the friend of colonization until the 
first session after I was elected a member of 
the House of Representatives in the Con- 
gress of the United States. 

During the session of 1833 — '34, a meet- 
ing of the parent society was held at Wash- 
ington, at which there were sentiments open- 
ly avowed and proceedings attempted which 
alarmed many of the best and oldest friends 
of the cause with apprehensions as to its 
subsequent effects and tendencies, and which 
caused myself, among others, to look on it 
then and since with a jealous eye. You, no 
doubt, sir, remember the meeting to which I 
allude. It was the meeting at which the no- 
torious Gerret Smith daringly insisted that 
the ultimate object of the Colonization So- 



12 



90 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



ciety should be to abolish slavery ; that the 
norih should have the control of the society, 
because its patrons from that quarter had 
subscribed most of its funds ; forgetting, by 
tlie by, that a single deed or will of volunta- 
ry emancipation in the south gave tens of 
thousands in property, where tlie most zeal- 
ous northern philanthropists subscribed tens 
n dollars and cents ; it was there he openly 
avowed that the time had then come when 
the institution should begin to move directly 
towards the end he aimed at ; and, sir, it 
was then and there that the Rev. Mr, Breck- 
enridge denounced old Virginia as like Neb- 
uchadnezzar's image — part iron or brass and 
part clay, and ready to be broken in pieces ! 
That meeting, 1 say, alarmed me, sir,^imong 
others of the warm friends of this cause, and 
has made me stand aloof at least for the last 
our years, from an active co-operation in its 
great work. Up to the present moment, in- 
deed, I have been watching the tendencies 
of the society, to see whether it woul^l be 
safe for us of the south to participate in its 
operations. I feared thai the sentiments and 
influences of the Gerret Smith parly would 
pervert the society from its original purposes 
and ends; and, above all, f feared that colo 
nization would be made to sow a seed of 
disunion in the slave-holding States, at a time 
when, soon after that meeting, the footsteps 
of abolition across the Potomac were traced 
in blood. 

The scenes of the summer of 1835, when 
the flaming torches of abolition were hurled 
in our midst, kindling all the combustibles 
of civil disorder, — threatening to burn down 
our very post-offices and to consume the 
reign of law, — founding the bloody and sum- 
mary Lynch code on the cinders of its fires, 
will not soon be forgotten in the south. And, 
sir, it was, as you well know, at the session 
of Congress immediately succeeding these 
awful scenes, that it was thought the time 
had come for the south to act in Congress 
and, the time being auspicious, as I imagin 
ed, to obtain a recognition of our guaran- 
tees from the friends of a northern candidate 
for the Presidency, I moved certain resolu- 
tions in the House, in defence of the insti- 
tutions of the slave-holding States. But, 
notwithstanding the favorable moment and 
all its immense aids of ambition and avarice 



for offices and their ho)iors and emolument s 
another so favorable, I fear, will never again 
occur. I regret to say, without reproaches 
now to any, that the south was utterly un- 
successful, and defeated in obtaining from 
Congress any declaratory pledges, whatever, 
for the securit/ of its rights and the protec- 
tion of its peace. The south itself was dis- 
united, torn, divided and distracted. It was 
then demonstrated that it was utterly impos- 
sible to unite a majority in Congress on any 
ground upon xvhich the slave-holding States 
could safely stand. And, sir, I here proclaim 
in the capitol of this slave-holding State — to 
all whom it may concern — that now the same 
truth prevails — the slave-holder cannot rely 
upon any position of defence against abolition, 
upon which a majority of the Senators and 
Representatives of the whole people of the U. 
States can be brought to unite! This truth 
is solemnly confirmed by the discussion and 
proceedings now at this moment agitating the 
Senate chamber of the national capitol, and 
now shaking the very pillars of the Consti- 
tution and the Union. Take it iiome with 
you — all of you — and reflect upon it serious- 
ly and gravely. 

Where then is our safety? In what does 
our security consist ? — Sir, in one thing alone. 
But one principle of action will save us and 
ours: union among ourselves ! — the union oj 
the whole South! The south must stand as 
one man — firmly, fixed, united — presenting 
an undivided front — an impenetrable pha- 
lanx — uttering no threats — throwing back no 
denunciations — the time of debating and 
murmuring is past — but ready to act ; and, 
though a minority, yet a minority united in 
solid and solemn purpose, can and will deter 
any majority which may ever threaten to at- 
tack their peace, their property, their consti- 
tutional rights, and their lives ! They should 
unite as brethren, literally of the same faith 
and the same fathers, on this vital question — 
as men, women and children, involved in one 
and the same common danger, and bound to 
defend the same common honor, interests 
and rights. Away, then, with all pitiful, petty 
party divisions, at this crisis of our fate ! — 
The man or politician who now would seize 
on this fatal topic for personal, political or 
party ends, should be " anathema marana- 
tha!" Let the slave-holdinir States but be 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



91 



united on this question, so infinitely above 
all party strife, and they have nothing to fear 
against all the world combined. 



prejudices and passions the most dangerous, 
because most fanatical, to release a portion 
of mankind from an alleged cruel and op- 



Sir, these were the reasons — the fear that 1 piessive bondage ; inllames and agitates the 
the abolition party in the parent society might [public mind, by threatening to demolish all 



succeed in perverting colonization from its 
original design, coupled with the strongest 
desire and conviction that nothing should be 
permitted to divide the south — which have 
caused me for a time to withdraw my humble 
countenance and support from this cause. I 
am even now somewhat skittish, I confess, 
but Gerret Smith, who showed the cloven 
foot but parlially in 1833 — '34, has since 
been constrained to exhibit himself in his 
true and glaring colors of an abolitionist — 
his party has signally failed to swerve the 
Colonization Society from its first princi- 
ples — they have separated themselves from it 
and joined to their own idols — they have 
openly declared war against colonization, 
and their hostility now tends to drive the 
Colonization Society, if it ever began to de- 
sert them, back to its original principles and 
plans of operation, and to keep it pressed 
close to those walls of safety. This has al- 
most, if not altogether, allayed my fears and 
revived my hopes concerning the great cause. 
The line of demarcation is now too strongly 
drawn, I hope, between colonization and 



established social relations ; arouses a reli- 
gious zeal in a crusade against the peace 
and order and union of a nation ; teaches 
and preaches insurrection to the slave ; en- 
courages Lynch-la>v, and hallows the vic- 
tims of its penalties with the glory of mar- 
tyrdom ; calumniates and cuises the slave- 
holder; hurls its incendiarism against his 
life: attacks and attempts to render unsafe 
the institution of slavery, and thereby tight- 
ens the fetters of the slave and makes his 
chains more galling ; opposes the coloniza- 
tion of the free-man of color in a land where 
the black man may be the fellow of man, 
and advances the horrible amalgamation of 
him, here in the land of his degradation, with 
those to whom his mere association is con- 
tamination the most abhorrent and revolting! 
The Colonization Society sacredly regards 
slavery as a civil institution of the country, 
which, upon the principle of the lesser yield- 
ing to the greater good, cannot be attacked 
by the law of humanity, and must necessa- 
rily be tolerated and sustained from motives 



abolition ever to be crossed. Their princi- and reasons of policy ; defends all the eter- 
ples are diametrically opposed to each other, ! nal and immutable principles of right, and 



and their warfare will tend to press each to 
occupy its appropriate ground and position. 
The Colonization Society must now maintain 
that great original principle upon which it 
was founded : — " Friendship to the slave- 
holder." Never let it be forgotten or de- 
parted from. It stands in direct contrast to 
that upon which, according to their own pre- 



religiously promotes the obvious decrees of 
Heaven, whilst it faithfully obeys the para- 
mount laws of the State; appeals to the rea- 
son and enlightened consciences of men, 
and to that calm and peaceful religion which 
ever righteously interposes to ameliorate the 
various conditions of all men, and which 
wisely wins the powerful to assist the weak — 



tensions, and the construction of charity, tlie unbound, the bound ; hushes the din of 



the abolitionists have founded their society — 
" Philanthropy to the slave 1" 

It is very obvious, sir, that these two prin- 
ciples, as interjjreted by the respective socie- 
ties, and applied to their actual operations, 
tend to very different and opposite results. 
The abolition society denounces :;]avery as a 
sin; summons the abstract principles of right 



discord, and by a charm preserves our peace 
by reconciling our moral duties with our so- 
cial and political rights and interests ; in- 
vokes the love of union ; teaches and preach- 
es obedience to servants; supports the iiim- 
jesty of the laws by respecting public senti- 
ment, and classes all the disturbers of the 
public peace together, inspires the slave- 



and justice, and an imaginary law of Hea. holder with confidence, and addresses itself 
ven, to destroy the most holy obligations of; alone to his affections; removes the enemies 



political right and justice, founded upon con- 
stitutional compact among men; appeals to 



of his peace and safety ; guards and renders 
safe the title of his property and its enjoy- 



92 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



ment, and thereby obtains for the slave the 
indulgences which the slackened cord of 
confidence yields without cause or fear ; in- 
cidentally facilitates voluntary emancipation, 
by sloughing off the free colored j^opulation 
always in the way of freedom to the slave ; 
strengthens and upholds the friends of the 
slave-holder where he needs friends most, 
where there are no ties and associations of 
slavery to plead for the institution, and where 
in the north it is a sword to pierce abolition . 
and, above all these special benefits, its great 
aim is that which makes the grandeur of this 
cause rise to sublimity — to make light shine 
out of darkness, to colonize a nation of free- 
7/1671 in their father-land out of our kitchens 
of slaves ! 

Yes, Sir, the existence and operation of 
abolition but add to the special benefits of 
colonization. It not only renders the insti- 
tution of slavery secure at home among our- 
selves, but it grants the only ground on 
which our friends can stand in the non- 
slaveholding states among our enemies who 
are daily multiplying in numbers and in- 
creasing in power. But, sir, I repeat that 
the special benefits of this cause to this na- 
tion are nothing compared with its general 
benefits to all mankind, to all posterity, to 
Africa, to the world. In contemplating the 
vast, ultimate design and effects of this great 
scheme of lighting up a whole land now 
shrouded in the blackness of darkness, I 
have often been struck with a thought which 
justifies slavery itself in the abstract, and 
which has made me wonder and adore a gra- 
cious Special Providence. Aye, sir, a Spe- 
cial Providence — bad a man as some may 
have been taught to believe me to be — I, 
Sir, even / do firmly, if not faithfully, intel- 
lectually, if not religiously, believe in a 
Great and Good Overruling Special Provi- 
dence. And, Sir, I as firmly believe that 
slavery on this contine?it is the gift of Hea- 
ven to Africa. Is it unworthy of the Divine 
purpose or impious to suppose that it was by 
God intended to be the sun of the illumina- 
tion of that land of night? — Cannot one well 
see the hand of the Everlasting Almighty — 
who worketh not in a day or generation — in 



making one generation serve for another of 
the same people ? — Is there ^.\^^hireligiously 
wrong in making an idolatrous pagan sire 
work out the civilization and Christianity of a 
son 1 What mortal can say that the slavery 
of the sire was not Divinely intended to be 
the consideration — and is it any thing more 
than a fair equivalent — for the arts of life 
and the lights of truth to his posterity 1 — 
Africa gave to Virginia a savage and a slave, 
Virginia givFs back to Africa a citizen and a. 
Christian! Against which does the balance 
lie ? If this was not the divine will, let those 
who object tell me, how came African slave- 
ry here ? Sir, it is a mystery if not thus ex- 
plained. When our fathers landed on the 
shores of my venerable district, did they find 
a population fair as the forests of the land ? 
Who roamed those forests ? Were they too 
not savages, ignorant, rude, barbarous and 
uncivilized as the negro of Guinea's coast ? 
Were they not as fit for slavery 1 Did not the 
war of massacre, of tomahawk and scalping 
knife give the fairest pretext for slavery by 
the right of capture and subjugation ? Boast 
as we may of the royal race of aborigines 
who lorded it over this domain — of the kingly 
Powhatan, the peerless Pocahontas — the 
common Indians of North America were 
just as fit for slavery, and ready here at 
hand, as the savages of Africa's desert 
strands — they were enslaved by the Yan- 
kees. Why, then, were slaves brought 
3,000 miles across the ocean, leaving our 
neighbouring tribes of savages untouched by 
yoke or chain ? Why but to return civiliza- 
tion for slavery ? Who so fit to be the pio- 
neer of civilization in Africa as the black 
man ? Its light expires, has always gone out 
in the hand of the white man. And what 
will the civilization of Africa not do in the 
end for mankind — for the world, its arts, its 
science, its commerce, its peace and happi- 
ness, and for freedom ? What new fields will 
it not explore ? The subject is vast and un- 
bounded ! I say then, Sir, send forth your 
missionaries with light and love to the land 
of night, until that " dry nurse of lions" 
shall become the nursery of arts, and science, 
and civilization, and law, and order, and re- 
ligion ! 



The Virginian History of African Colonization 



93 



Sir, I did not mean to say more than to 
apologize for not making a speech, and to 
thank, cordially thank, this meeting for its 
flattering notice and kind attention.* 

The speeches delivered at this meeting 
exhibited a power and variety of eloquence 
which has been seldom witnessed in the cap- 
itol of the Old Dominion. The sentiments 



of both parties appeared as its advocates in 
the Capitol at Richmond, and represented it 
in the general meeting at Washington. 

The next annual meeting was held in the 
Capitol at Richmond, on the 22nd January, 
1839. The Hall of the House of Delegates 
was crowded to overflowing, so that many 
persons could not make their way into the 



advocated by the speakers were responded Loom. The Honorable John Tyler, Presi 



to with great enthusiasm on the part of the 
audience. 

* In a letter to the Secretary of the meeting, 
relative to the foregoing speech, Mr. Wise says : 
" The speech which I made at Richmond was in- 
tended to express at the time only my own pecu- 
liar views of Colonization, and advance the argu- 
ments and reasons which recommended the cause 
to me." 



CHAPTER XIV. 

House of Delegates ; Rev. Messrs. Andrews 
and Balch ; Annual Meeting of 1839 ; Ad- 
dresses of John Tyler, Wm. Smith of Cul- 
peper, B. Smith of Kanawha, and T. Wal- 
ker Gilmer of Albemarle ; Elliott Cresson. 
W. C. Rives' Speech; Mr. F. Knight's 
agency ; Sermon of Rev. James Craik ; — 
Tyler, Wise and Rives delegates to Annual 
Meeting of 1845. Gov. McDowell's Ad- 
dress and election as President; Extract 
from Repository ; Reorganization of Colo- 
nization Society of Virginia" in 1849 ; — 
Correspondence of Messrs. Upshur and Fox; 
Robert B. Boiling elected President; Mr. 
Bailey's Memorial ; Mr. Slaughter's Ad- 
dress ; Position of Society on Slavery ; — 
Mr. Dorman's Bill, Sfc. 

Numerous petitions were presented to the 
General Assembly at each session for an 
amendment of the act of 1833, so as to make 
it available for the purposes of the Society. 
Upon two occasions, as we have seen, the 
House of Delegates passed bills in confor- 
mity with these petitions, but for some rea- 
son they were not acted upon by the Senate. 
Notwithstanding the inefhcacy of this act of 
Assembly from which so much was anticipa- 
ted, the cause still prospered in Virginia un- 
der the energetic agency of the Rev. C. W. 
Andrews, and of the Rev. Thomas Balch, 
who succeeded him. The leading politicians 



dent of tiie Society took the chair, and J. C, 
Crane acted as Secretary. The annual re- 
port was read by the Rev. T. B. Balcii. Wil- 
liam Smith of Culpeper offered the following 
resolution : 

Resolved, That the present encouraging 
and prosperous condition of Liberia is a mat- 
ter of just congratulation to all the friends of 
this great cause. 

B. H. Smith of Kanawha offered the fol- 
lowing resolution : 

Resolved, That the experience of the past 
year has rendered more firm the conviction 
that the Colonization scheme is worthy of 
the regard of the patriot, the philanthropist 
and the christian. 

John T. Anderson of Botetourt offered the 
following resolution : 

Resolved, That while much has been done 
and much more will be accomplished by vol- 
untary donations, through the channels of 
private benevolence, yet the magnitude and 
importance of our object entitle it to the lib- 
eral patronage of the Legislature of this 
State. 

Thomas Walker Gilmer, Speaker of the 
House of Delegates, offered the followino- 
resolution : 

Resolved, That the mild and redeemino- 
spirit of Colonization is opposed to, and pre- 
sents a striking contrast with the wild fanat- 
icism of those who by the desecration of the 
name of philanthropy, would subvert our 
laws and sacrifice our happy institutions on 
the altar of delusion. 

The gentlemen severally offering these re 
solutions, sustained them in addresses wor- 
thy, (says a cotemporary,) of the " Old Do- 
minion," and the auditory responded by fre- 
quent bursts of applause, indicating a deep 
interest in the subject. 

The Rev. Mr. Balch made an appeal to the 



94 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



liberality of the meeting for a pecuniary con- 
tribution. The President then addressed the 
meeting in answer to a call from all parts of 
the House. The Richmond Whig of the 
next day, said that the address of the Presi- 
dent was characteristic for its fervid and flow- 
ingeloquence ; and'his allusions to the mem- 
ory of two of Virginia's distinguished sons 
as patrons and devoted friends of Coloniza- 
tion, Madison and Marshall, as well as his 
strongly felt, and expressed interest in the 
Cc use, excited deep emotion. 

In June 1840, Mr. Elliott Cresson of Phil- 
adelphia, a warm, untiring and able friend of 
African Colonization, being on a visit to the 
City of Richmond, was invited by the Board 
ol Managers to deliver an address upon the 
subject. Accordingly a meeting was called 
in the Presbyterian church on Shockoe Hill 
to liear Mr. Cresson. We presume that this 
meeting took place, although we have no 
note of its proceedings. 

In June 1842, a convention of the friends 
f African Colonization in the United States 
was held in the city of Washington for the 
purpose of concerting measures for giving 
an impetus to the cause as a great national 
interest. Able speeches vvere delivered by 
Mr. Gurley, Senator Morehead of Kentucky, 
Francis Key and Wm. C. Rives of Virginia. 
Mr. Rives, said a cotemporary who heard 
him, addressed the Convention in a speech 
replete with able argument, and eloquence 
of an order which high sentiments of Patriot- 
ism only could inspire. We deeply regret 

ur inability to present this speech to the 
public. Mr. Rives alluded to the transient 
nature of many of the political strifes of the 
day, when compared with the permanent be- 
neficence and glory of a scheme adapted to 

1 aise the character and enlighten the pros- 
pects of a race of men, and bring a whole 
continent from barbarism to civilization and 
Christianity. He spoke of the impossibility 
of elevating the colored race in the United 
States; the obstacles being too numerous 
and fixed, to be overcome by any human 
power. He discussed at some length the 
doctrine of De Toqueville, that the social 
union of two races so distinct as the white 
and colored was not to be expected. He be- 



lieved Colonization to be a " great and fruit- 
ful idea," and that in time its benefits would 
be spread throughout vast districts of Africa, 
&.C. He spoke of the slave-trade, and urged 
with great force the duty of our country to 
do its part to suppress it, by aftbrding coun- 
tenance to our African settlements, and 
maintaining a squadron on the coast, &c. 
He was more deeply than ever impressed 
with the vast utility of the scheme, and that 
it merited the support and favor of the States 
and of the Nation, &c. 

The speech was worthy of the great repu- 
tation of the very able Senator, and excited 
warm and universal applause. 

In May 1843, Mr. Franklin Knight, an 
agent of the American Society, laid before 
the Board of Managers of the Virginia So- 
ciety a proposition of the American Society 
to raise $20,000 to purchase the territory in- 
tervening between Cape Mount and Cape 
Palmas, on the Coast of Africa. The Board 
cordially aj)proved of the plan and resolved 
to hold a meeting in the city of Richmond 
to aid in its advancement. Messrs. Crane 
and James, and the Rev. Mr. Norwood were 
appointed a committee to cooperate with the 
Rev. Mr. Knight in furthering his views. 

In July of this year, the Rev. James Craik 
of Charleston, Kenawha County, Virginia, 
preached an able sermon to St. John's con- 
gregation of which he was Rector. At the 
request of his vestry, the sermon was pub- 
lished in the African Repository, whose Ed- 
itor in introducing it to his readers, expresses 
his gratification in hearing that " public opin- 
ion in Virginia and the South is becoming 
more decidedly and earnestly directed to this 
great question of elevated patriotism and 
benevolence." 

The Honorable John Tyler, President, the 
Honorable Wm. C. Rives and Henry A. 
Wise, Vice-Presidents, vvere appointed to 
represent the Virginia Society at the Anni- 
versary of the American Colonization Soci- 
ety, in Washington, on the 16lh of January, 
1844. 

We may here appropriately introduce an 
interesting correspondence between the Bri- 
tish Minister at Washington and Judge Up- 
shur then Secretary of State. Judge Upshur 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



was an eminent Virginian Statesman and an 
officer and ardent friend of the Society. 

Mk. Fox to Mr. Upsher. 

Washington, Aug. 9, 1843. 

Sir: I had recently llie honor to slate to 
you, verbally, that her Majesty's Government 
have, for some time past, been desirous of 
ascertaining, authentically, the name and ex- 
tent of the connexion subsisting between 
the American colony of Liberia on the coast 
of Africa, and the Government of the United 
States. 

Certain differences which have arisen, and 
which, I believe, are still pending, between 
British subjects trading with Africa on the 
one hand, and the authorities of Liberia on 
the other, render it very necessary, in order 
to avert for the future, serious trouble and 
contention in tliat quarter, that her Majesty's 
Government should be accurately informed 
what degree of official patronage and pro- 
tection, if any, the United States Govern- 
ment extend to the colony of Liberia; how 
far, if at all, the United States Government 
recognize the colony of Liberia as a national 
establishment ; and, consequently, how far, 
if at all, the United States Government hold 
themselves responsible towards foreign coun- 
tries for the acts of the authorities of Libe- 
ria. 

It is very desirable, if the United Govern- 
ment recognize and protect the colony ot 
Liberia, that her Majesty's Government 
should be authentically informed what are 
considered to be the territorial limits of the 
colony ; and also by what title the amount 
of territory so claimed has been acquired. 
For it appears that, (during the last year, in 
particular,) the authorities of Liberia have 
shown a disposition to enlarge very consid- 
erably the liniits of their territory ; assuming, 
to all appearance quite unjustifiably, the right 
of monopolizing the trade with the native 
inhabitants along a considerable line of coast, 
where the trade had hitherto been free ; and 
thus injuriously interfering with the com- 
mercial interests and pursuits of British sub- 
jects in that quarter. 

It is not for a moment supposed that the 
United States Government would, either di- 
rectly or indirectly, sanction such proceed- 
ings ; but, in case of its becoming necessary 
to stop the further progress of such proceed- 



ings and such pretensions, it is very desira- 
ble, in order, as before mentioned, to avert 
causes of future dispute and contention, that 
her Majesty's Government should be in- 
formed whether the authorities of Liberia 
are themselves alone responsible on the spot 
for their public acts; or whether, if they arc 
under the protection and control of the Uni- 
ted States Government, it is to that Govern- 
mejit that application must be made when 
the occasions above alluded to may require 
it. 

I avail myself of this occasion to renew 
to you the assurance of my distinguised con- 
sideration. 

H. S. FOX. 

Hon. Abel P. Upshur, &,c., &c. 

Mr. Upshur to Mr. Fox. 
Department of State, 
Washington, Sej)t. %^, 1843. 

Sir: I have the honor to acknovvledo-e the 
receipt of your letter of the 9th of August 
last, informing me that her Majesty's Gov- 
ernment have for some time past, been de- 
sirous of ascertaining authentically the na- 
ture and extent of the connexion subsisting 
between the American colony of Liberia, on 
the Coast of Africa, and the Government of 
the United Slates, and requesting me to giv(! 
you the desired information. 

The colony, or settlement, of Liberia was 
established by a voluntary association of 
American citizens, under the title of th(? 
American Colonization Society. Its objects 
were, to introduce Christianity and promote; 
civilization in Africa ; to relieve the slave- 
holding States from the inconvenience of aJi 
increase of free blacks among them ; to im- 
prove the condition and elevate the charac- 
ter of those blacks themselves, and to pre- 
sent to the slave-holder an inducement to 
emancipate his slaves, by offering to them an 
asylum in the country of their ancestors, in 
which they would enjoy political and social 
equality. It was not, however, establishetl 
under the authority of our Government, nor 
has it been recognized as subject to our laws 
and jurisdiction. 

It is believed that the society has confined 
itself strictly to the professed objects of its 
association. As an individual enterprise, it 
has no precedent in the history of the world. 
The motives which led to it were not those 



96 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



of trade, nor of conquest; the individuals 
concerned in it proposed themselves no per- 
sonal advantage nor benefit whatever. Their 
motives were purely philanthropic, and llieir 
objects strictly disinterested. In spite of the 
unexampled difficulties with which they have 
had to contend, they have by patience an 1 
perseverance, succeeded in placing their col- 
ony upon a safe and prosperous iooting. It 
is just beginning to exert, in a sensible de- 
gree, its beneficient influences upon the des- 
tinies of the African race ; and promises, if 
it be duly sustained, to do much for the re- 
generation of that quarter of the globe. 
Hence it has received, as it richly deserves, 
the respect and sympathy of the whole civ- 
ilized world. To the United States it is an 
object of peculiar interest. It was estab- 
lished by our people, and has gone on under 
the countenance and good offices of our 
Government. It is identified with the suc- 
cess of a great object, which has enlisted the 
feelings, and called into action the enlarged 
benevolence, of a large proportion of our 
people. It is natural, therefore, that we 
should regard it with greater sympathy and 
solicitude than would attach to it under 
other circumstances. 

This society was first projected in the year 
1816. In 1831 it possessed itself of a terri- 
tory upon the continent of Africa, by fair 
purchase of the owners of the soil. For 
several years it was compelled to defend it- 
self by arms, and unaided, against the native 
tribes ; and succeeded in sustaining itself 
only at a melancholy sacrifice of comfort, 
and a lamentable loss of human lives. No 
nation has ever complained that it his ac- 
quired territory in Africa; but, on the con- 
trary, for twenty-two years it has been al- 
lowed, with the full knowledge of «// nations, 
to enlarge its borders from time to time, as 
its safety or its necessities required. It has 
been regarded as a purely benevolent enter- 
prise, and, with a view to its success, has 
been tacitly permitted to exercise all the 
powers of an independent community. It 
is believed that this license has never been 
abused, and that the colony has advanced no 
claims which ought not to be allowed to an 
infant settlement just struggling into a heal- 
thy existence. Its objects and motives enti- 
tle it to the respect of the stronger powers. 



and its very weakness gives it irresistible 
claims to their forbearance. Indeed it may 
justly appeal to the kindness and support of 
all the principal nations of the world, since 
it has already afforded and still continues to 
afford, the most important aid in carrying 
out a favorite measure of their policy. 

It is not perceived that any nation can 
have just reason to complain that this settle- 
ment does not confine itself to the limits of 
its original territory. Its very existence re- 
quires that it should extend those limits. 
Heretofore, this has never been done by 
arms, so far as I am informed, but always by 
fair purchase from the natives. In like man- 
ner, their treaties with the native princes, 
whether of trade or otherwise, ought to be 
respected. It is quite certain that their in- 
fluence in civilizing and christianizing Afri- 
ca, in suppressing the slave-trade, and in 
ameliorating the condition of African slaves, 
would be worth very little, if they should be 
restrained at this time in any one of these 
particulars. Full justice, it is hoped, mayfbe 
done to England, wtthout denying to Libe- 
ria powers so necessary to the safety, the 
prosperity, and the utility of that settlement 
as a philanthropic establishment. 

This Government does not, of course, un- 
dertake to settle and adjust differences which 
have arisen between British subjects and the 
authorities of Liberia. Those authorities are 
responsible for their own acts ; and they cer- 
tainly would not expect the support or coun- 
tenance of this Government in any act of in- 
justice towards individuals or nations. But 
as they are themselves nearly powerless, 
they must rely, for the protection of their 
own rights, on the justice and sympathy of 
other powers. 

Although no apprehension is entertained 
that the British Government meditates any 
wrong to this interesting settlement, yet the 
occasion is deemed a fit one for making 
known, beyond a simple answer to your en- J 
quiries, in what light it is regarded by the ■ 
people of the United States. It is du? to 
her Majesty's Government that I should in- 
form you that this Government regards it as 
occupying a peculiar position, and as pos- 
sessing peculiar claims to the friendly con- 
sideration of all christian powers ; that this 
Government will be, at all times, prepared 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



97 



to interpose its good offices to prevent any 
incroachmeiit by the colony upon any just 
right of any nation, and that it would be 
very unwilling to see it despoiled of" its ter- 
ritory rightfully acquired, or improperly re- 
strained in the exercise of its necessary 
rights and powers as an independent settle- 
ment. 

I pray you to accept the assurance of my 
distinguished consideration. 

A. P. UPSHUR. 

Henry S. Fox, Esq., &c., &c. 

On Saturday evening, the lllh ofJanuary, 
1845, the Annual meeting of the Coloniza- 
tion Society of Virginia, was held in the Hall 
of the House of Delegates. On motion of 
Mr. Maxwell, Governor McDowell was call- 
ed to the chair, and on taking the chair. 
Governor McDowell addressed the meeting 
in his earnest and impressive style, setting 
forth ably and eloquently the importance of 
this subject to the United States in general, 
and to the South in particular, and thence 
deducing the duty of every American citizen 
and especially of every Southern man to aid 
in its wise and vigorous prosecution. Gov- 
ernor McDowell was then unanimously elec- 
ted President of the Society. 

For the next four years the Colonization 
Society of Virginia seems to have suspended 
its operations. This did not proceed from a 
want of interest in the subject, but from the 
difficulty of providing competent agents. — 
The fuel was ready and there was only want- 
ing some warm heart to kindle the fire. In- 
deed ever since the Rev. Messrs. Andrews 
and Balch, the first Virginians who had ac- 
ted for the Society, it had been in a state of 
suspended animation and was only aroused 
to action by the visitation of some member 
of the Society at Washington, and then soon 
relapsed into its slumber again. This view 
of ours is confirmed by the following pas- 
sage in the Report of the American Society, 
in January 1846. 

" In Virginia there is much interest in the 
cause, but there have been but few efforti: 
made to turn it to account. We have not 
been able to secure for that State any Agent 
of qualifications suitable to the emergencies in 
the case. Whenever efforts have been made 



to raise funds, they have been successful in 
an encouraging degree. Most of the funds 
which we have received from Virginia, have 
been raised by ministers of the gospel in the 
ordinary routine of their parochial opera- 
tions." 

On the 13th of February, 1849, a meeting 
was held in the Capitol, in the City of Rich- 
mond, for the purpose of reorganizing the 
Colonization Society of Virginia. Mr. Wm. 
H. Macfarland was called to the chair. He 
explained the object of the meeting and ur- 
ged the claims of the Society to the cordial 
support of the public. 

Mr. Baxter offered the following resolu- 
tion : 

Resolved, That it is eminently expedient 
and desirable to revive and reorganize the 
Virginia Colonization Society ; and to fur- 
nish it immediately with all the means which 
may enable it to prosecute its important and 
interesting object with new and increased 
energy, constancy and eflect. 

This resolution was supported by addresses 
from Bishop .Tohus and Messrs. Maxwell, 
Baxter, Reeve, James and the Rev. Mr. Tins- 
ley, and unanimously adopted. 

The following gentlemen were elected of- 
ficers of the Society. 

President. — Robert B. Boiling of Peters- 
burg. 

Vice-Presidents. — W. H. Macfarland, Jno. 
Rutherfoord, R. G. Scott, James C. Bruce, 
and Messrs. R. H. Cunningham, Maxwell, 
Blackford, &c. 

Corresponding Secretary. — P. V. Daniel. 

Recording Secretary. — B. B. Minor. 

Managers. — N. Mills, Samuel Reeve, J. 0. 
Steger, T. H. Ellis, S. Palmer, M. Gretter, 
F. James, R. Whitfield, Egbert Watson, and 
Thomas Samson. 

On the 23d of February, 1849, a letter was 
received from Mr. Boiling of Petersburg, ex- 
pressing his hearty interest in the Society, 
and regretting that his health and numerous 
engagements, constrained him to decline the 
office of President. Governor Floyd was 
then unanimously elected to fill the vacancy. 
The Rev. W. M. Atkinson was appointed 
general agent. A committee consisting of 
Messrs. Ellis, Crane and James, was appoin- 
ted to obtain from the Legislature an act of 
incorporation and legislative aid to the So- 



13 



98 



The Virginian Hidory of African Colonization. 



ciety. The Society at this time sustained a 
serious loss in tlie ('eatli of William Williams, 
its Treasurer. Tliom:is H. Ellis was chosen 
to fill his place. 

The Rev. Mr. McLain, General Agent of 
the American Colonization Society, appear- 
ed before the Board of Managers of the Vir- 
ginia Society, and stated ;hatthe government 
of the United States contemplated entering 
into a commercial treaty wiih Liberia, in 
which treaty the independence of Liberia 
would be recognized ; that Mr. Gurley had 
gone to Liberia by appointment of the gov- 
ernment, with a view of obtaining accurate 
intelligence of its condition and resources. 
He also said that the Liberians knowing and 
respecting the prejudices of Americans, did 
not propose to send a colored representative 
to this country, but had designated him (Mr. 
McLain) to represent their interests ; that 
Great Britain had acknowledged the inde- 
pendence of Liberia ; sent President Roberts 
home in a National vessel, and presented 
him with an armed frigate — that the com- 
merce of Liberia was rapidly increasing and 
was capable of indefinite expansion, and 
that favorable terms might be obtained by us 
if the opportunity was not permitted to pass. 
He added that the President of the United 
States was desirous of learning the state of 
public opinion in all parts of the country 
upon the question. He then suggested that 
the Virginia Board should express its senti- 
ments upon the policy of recognition. Af- 
ter an interchange of opinion by the Mana- 
gers, it was resolved, on motion of Robert 
G. Scott, that in the opinion of this Board 
it v/as expedient to recognize the indepen- 
dence of Liberia, by entering into a commer- 
cial treaty with her. The Secretary was in- 
structed to prepare a memorial to the Gov- 
ernment of the United States, expressing 
this opinion, which il approved by the Pres- 
ident of the Society, should be properly au- 
thenticated and transmitted to Washington. 

The next Annual Meeting of the Society 
was held in the 1st Presbyterian Church in 
Richmond. The President of the Society 
took the chair, and the meeting was opened 
with prayer by the Rev. T. V. Moore. R. 
G. Scott then presented letters from the Hon. 
Henry Clay, R. W. Thompson, and J. R. 
LTnderwood, regretting that thcv could not 



accept invitations to address the meeting. 
Mr. Clay said, "continuing to feel the 
liveliest interest in t e Coh)nization of the 
free people of color; having all my original 
impressions in favor of the scheme, strength- 
ened and confirmed by successful experi- 
ence, and now entertaining no doubt of its 
entire practicability and of its being suscep- 
tible of an expansion so as to colonize in a 
reasonable time all the colored people now 
free, and such as may be emancipated, I 
should be most happy to assist in the endea- 
vor to give a new and more vigorous impulse 
to the Virginia Society. On other accounts 
it would give me much personal gratification 
to revisit the Capitol of my native Slate. I 
regret that my engagements will not allow 
me to leave the city at this time. 
I am, with high respect, 

Your ob't servant, 

HENRY CLAY. 
Messrs. R. G. Scott, B. B. Minor, &c. 

Mr. R. G. Scott then introduced to the 
Society Mr. T. H. B. Latrobe, President of 
the Colonization Society of Maryland, who 
made an able and instructive speech. He 
was followed by the Rev. Mr. McLain, who 
by a few pointed and practical remarks 
heightened the impression already made in 
favor of African Colonization, 

The Rev. P. Slaughter, (who liad been just 
elected General Agent of the Society,) and 
R. G. Scott were appointed delegates to the 
Annual meeting of the American Coloniza- 
tion Society. Mr. R. G. Scott was one of 
the orators of the latter Society, and illus- 
trated his long devotion to the cause by an 
able, patriotic and impassioned speech. 

At a meeting of the Board on the 30th of 
January, 1850, the Rev. P. Slaughter made a 
brief report of the proceedings of the Amer- 
ican Society, and suggested that it was ne- 
cessary to have an understanding as to the 
spheres of action of the two Societies, and 
also that this Board should make an explicit 
declaration of the principles and views of 
the Colonization Society of Virginia. Ac- 
cordingly Messrs. Scott, Caskie and Reeve 
were appointed a committee in cooperation 
with Mr. Slaughter, to prepare an exposi- 
tion of our plans and policy. The result of 
their counsels was the following declaration, 
which was approved by the Board and pub- 



The Virgininn History of Jljrican Colonization. 



99 



iislied as an official document of the Society. 

'• Whereas in the p:esent excited slate of 
I lie public mind upon llie subject of sluvery, 
liie pfiople of the South look with anxious 
jealousy upon every movement which has or 
is supposed to have a direct or indirect effect 
upon that institution; and believing that t!ie 
people of Virginia will and ought to insist 
upon having a distinct and unequivocal ex- 
position of the views and purposes of every 
man and association of men, who propose 
action in reference to the colored population 
of the State — we, the President and Mana- 
gers of the Colonization Society of Virginia, 
deem it our duty to make a brief and candid 
exposition of the principles, objects and pol- 
icy of the Society, and do for that purpose 
resolve that we adhere with unshaken fideli- 
ty to that article in the Constitution of the 
American Colonization Society, which de- 
clares it to be the single purpose of that So- 
ciety to Colonize on the Coast of Africa the 
free black population of the United Stales, 
with their own consent. 

Resolved, That we believe that the Ameri- 
can Colonization Society has adhered to this 
in the past, and will continue to do so for 
the future ; and we pledge ourselves to watch 
its operations with sleepless vigilance and 
give warning of the least and first departure 
from its organic law, as a breach of faith, and 
a signal of our immediate withdrawal from 
all cooperation with it. 

Resolved, That this Society purposes to 
devote its funds to the removal of the free 
colored population of this State, and will ap- 
ply all the funds that may be coHtributed to 
it to this object, except such as may be spe- 
cially appropriated by the donor to other ob- 
jects. 

Resolved, That the Managers having cho- 
sen the Rev. P. Slaughter to represent their 
views and policy in this State, do resjiectfully 
request that all contributions to this cause in 
this State, may be paid to liim, that they may 
be by him transmitted to the Treasurer of 
this Society." JOHN B. FLOYD, 

President. 

B. B. Minor, Secretary. 

The Rev. R. W. Bailey, who had been la- 
boring diligently in the Valley of Virginia, 
as agent of the American Colonization So- 
ciety, prepared an able memorial to the Gen- 



eral Assembly at the session of 1849-50, pro- 
ving and illustratiiiof u ith clearness and force 
ihe following conclusions — 

Isi. It is desirable and necessary to both 
races that the fret^ colored people should l)e 
removed from tiiis State. 

2nd. Liberia is their proper home, and it 
is lor their interest to emigrate to that land 
of Liberty and Law. 

3rd. We extend to them their due share 
of justice and mercy in providing for their 
removal thither. 

4tli. The Colonization Society is a proper, 
convenient and economical agency to eflect 
this removal. 

5th. In making a liberal appropriation for 
this object, the present LegisUture would be 
carrying out the policy of this State, as de- 
clared by divers former Legislatures of Vir- 
ginia for half a century. 

The Rev. P. Slaughter also presented to 
the Legislature an elaborate address, tracing 
the idea of Colonization from its first sug- 
gestion by Mr. Jefierson in 1776, through 
all its modifications by the General Assem- 
blies of Virginia, until its full development 
in the American Colonization Society ; and 
demonstrating it to be from its conception 
to its consummation, and down to the pres- 
ent time an eminently Virginian scheme of 
policy. This address was republished at 
Washington with the Annual Report of the 
American Society, and again with the docu- 
ments of the Report of the Naval Committee 
of Congress, proposing the establishment of 
a line of Steamers between America and 
Africa. 

In 1850, Mr. Dorman's bill, founded upon 
a recommendation in Gov. Floyd's message, 
j)assed both houses of the General Asseinbly, 
with nearly the identical restrictions which 
made the act of 1S33 unavailable. It appro- 
priated $30,000 per annum, for five years, 
to the removal of the free negroes of Vir- 
ginia to Liberia. It only allows $25 to be 
a])plied to the transportation of each adult 
and $15 to each infant under ten years of 
age, while the actual average expense of 
transporting each emigrant adult and infant 
is $60. It also limits the appropriation to 
negroes free at the time of its passage ; a 
provision which seems to us impolitic, be- 



100 



The Virginian History of African Colonizaiion. 



cause its effect is not to prevent emancipa- 
tion as was intended by its framers, but to 
leave the emancipated to remain in the Com- 
monwealth, contrary to the spirit and intent 
of the law. Accordingly, more than two 
hundred slaves were emancipated and allow- 
ed to remain in the Commonwealth in ISoO. 
[t is also often impossible to collect legal 
proof of the freedom of many negroes who 
are nevertheless reputed b}'^ every one who 
knows them to be free. Tliese facts render- 
ed the provisions of the law of 1833 so dif- 
ficult of execution that not a dollar appro- 
priated by it was expended. The Society 
did, however, to some extent, avail itself of 
the appropriation of 1850. The following 
facts will illustrate the operation of this law. 
In 18.50 we colonized from Virginia 107 em- 
igrants at a cost of $5,350, of which sum 
we received from the State Tj easury only 
$675. In 1851 we colonized 141 persons at 
a cost of $7,050, of which we received from 
the State Treasury $1,950. In 1852 we 
colonized from Virginia 192 persons at a cost 
of $11,520, of which we received from the 
State Treasury only $2,815. So that while 
in three years we colonized from Virginia 
440 emigrants at a cost of $2d,400, we only 
used $5,430 of the State appropriation, leav- 
ing the Society to supply from private dona- 
tions the sum of $21,000. 

Chapter XV. 

Annual Meeting of 1851 — The Report and R. 
G. Scott's Resolution — Speeches of Taze- 
well Taylor, Dorman, Janney, Moncure, 
Chilton and Daniel, Rev. Mr. Starr and 
Rev. Mr. Baily — Annual Meeting of 
1852. — Mr. Slaughter' s Report — Speeches 
of Bishop Payne, Rev. Mr. Moore and Rev. 
Mr. Read — Mr. Howard's Resolution and 
Rev. Isaac Tinsley's Amendment. — Annual 
Meeting of 1853 — Speech of Mr. Thomp- 
son of Indiana — Passage of Bill — A Meet- 
ing of 1855 — Speeches of Messrs. Gurley, 
Doggett and Burrows — Dr. Lee's Speech at 
Washington, and Mr. Slaughter' s Resolu- 
tions. 
The next annual meeting was held in the 

House of Delegates in Richmond, on the 

13th of February, 1851. 



The President, Gov. Floyd, took the chair, 
and the report of Mr. Slaughter, was read 
by Mr. Minor. It gave a minute history of 
Colonization in Virginia, and discussed the 
the whole subject in its political, social and 
religious aspects. It also contained many 
su2;o:estions for enlarging and facilitating: the 
labors of the Society in Virginia. 

The revenue of the Society was $7,000, a 
sum inadequate to pay the expenses of the 
large emigraiion from the State. The defi- 
ciency was supplied by contributions from 
other States through the American Coloni- 
zation Society. It noticed with commenda- 
tion the labors of the Rev. Mr. Bayly in the 
Valley, and of the Rev. Mr. Starr in Nor- 
folk. 

Mr. R. G Scott moved the adoption of the 
Report, and " a vote of thanks to the Rev. 
Mr. Slaughter for his efficient services as 
the Society's representative." 

Mr. Scott having based some well-timed 
and forcible remarks upon his resolution it 
was unanimously adopted. 

Mr. Tazewell Taylor offered the following 
resolution, accompanying it with some ap • 
propriate comments : 

Resolved, That the scheme of Coloniza- 
tion originating in the Legislature of 1776, 
and sustained by many succeeding Legisla- 
tures, and by the authority of Jefferson, 
Madison, Monroe and Marshall, is entitled 
to be regarded as a measure of Virginian 
polic}', having high claims to the confidence 
of all Virginians. 

Mr. Dorman then made an eloquent ad- 
dress, exhibiting the Colonization Society as 
offering to the temperate wisdom of all par- 
ties and all sections a common ground of re- 
sistance to the reckless enterprises of Abo- 
litionists. 

Mr. John Janney, of Loudoun, then rose 
and said for fear that silence would be con- 
strued into indifference, after the invitation 
which had just been given him, made a few 
earnest and appropriate remarks, concluding 
with the resolution : 

That the Colonization of the free people 
of color in Virginia on the coast of Africa or 
elsewhere, is a political and social neces- 
sity. 



The Virginimi History of Jlfrican Colonizution. 



101 



Judge Moacure in answer to a call, advo- 
cated the cause of African Coloiiizalion with 
warmth and power, demonstrating it to be 
the cause of patriotism, policy and humani- 

Hon. Samuel Chilton followed with some 
striking illustrations of the growing and 
prospective commerce of Liberia, and urg- 
ing a special effort for the collection of mo- 
ney for carrj'ing on this important work of 
State policy. 

Peter V. Daniel, Jr., invoked the aid oi" 
the public press in publishing facts connect- 
ed with the history and merits of African 
Colonization as by recommending its objects 
and plans. 

The Annual meeting for 1852 was held in 
the Capitol at Richmond on the 20th of Feb- 
ruary. Gov. J. B. Floyd, the President, took 
the chair, and the Rev. P. Slaughter read the 
Report. 

The Rev. T. V. Moore offered the follow- 
ing resolution : 

Resolved, That the scheme of African Col- 



were reciprocally necessary to each other, 
and showed by historical facts that missions 
and colonization had ever been God's gene- 
ral ])lan of propagating the Gospel. 

Mr. John Howard then moved the appoint- 
ment of a committee to prepare and present 
to the Legislature a memorial praying that 
the State appropriation should be so changed 
as to allow the application of $50 instead of 
$25, to the transportation of each emigrant. 
Mr. H. made some forcible remarks, set- 
ting forth reasons for the modifications of the 
act of Assembly. 

After some suggestions by the Rev. Mr. 
Tinsley, the motion was carried. 

The committee consisted of the following 
persons — John Howard, John !]. Floyd, Wm. 
H. Macfarland, T. H. Ellis, George Johnson 
and S. S. Baxter. 

The chairman of the committee, Mr. How, 
ard, prepared a very able memorial, which 
has been printed among the documents of 
the Society, and had a wide circulation in 
the newspapers. Its lucid order, strong ar- 
onization is one of wise policy and Christian guments, happy illustrations and glowing 
charity, consistent with the lessons taught us I style attracted the public attention, and 
alike by the history of the past, the facts of i doubtless contributed to the attainment of 
the present, and the prospects of the future, the objects prayed for by the memorialists. 



Mr. Moore illustrated the propositions in 
this resolution with great felicity, and ex- 
pounded clear!}' and beautifully the philoso- 
phy of the scheme of African Colonization. 

The Rev. Mr. Read followed Mr. Moore 
with an address of marked ability and deep 



In March, 1S52, the Rev. Mr. Slaughter 
with the approbation of the Board of Mana- 
gers, established the Virginia Colonization- 
ist, a monthly newspaper, in the city of 
Richmond. The design of this newspaper 
was to supply an organ for the discussion of 



interest, filling up the outline sketched by the subject of African Colonization from the 
Mr. Moore with some new and pleasing fea- 1 Southern Stand-point, as many Southern 
tures, and setting forth the commanding men were unwilling to trust the treatment 
claims of the subject upon patriots and , of questions touching the colored race to any 



Christians. 

The Rt. Rev. John Payne, the missionary 
Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church 
in Africa, who had recently come from Li- 
beria, where he had been residing for thir- 
teen years, then made interesting statements 
of the results of his personal observations, 
concluding with the opinion that the "in- 
creasing spirit of influstry in Liberia, gave 
encouraging promise that she would become 



person.s who were not identified in position, 
])rinciples and sympathies with us. 

la the South we have peculiar institutions. 
No one who looks at these institutions from 
a Northern Stand-point can appreciate our 
circumstances. They may be honest and 
patriotic men, but circumstances modify our 
appreciations, and they cannot heartily sym- 
pathise with us. 

During the year 1852 six vessels sailed 



a respectable and permanent community." from the United States to Liberia, with 666 
He said the white missions and the colonies emigrants, of whom 403 v^ere born free, 38 



102 



Tke Virginian History of African Colonization. 



purchased themselves, and 225 were eman- 
cipated. The revenue of the American 
Colonization Society for the same year was 
about $50,000, of which $9,500 were con- 
tributed by Virginia. The sums paid by each 
State into the Treasury at Washington do 
not represent the amount of contributions in 
each State to the cause of Colonization. — 
Each Society expends within her own bor- 
ders such sums as the State Society deems 
expedient for keeping up her State organiza- 
tion, collecting emigrants and diffusing infor- 
mation through the media of newspapers, 
pamphlets and other agencies. For exam- 
ple, the New York Society expends five or 
six thousand dollars per annum in newspa- 
pers and other agencies for carrying on the 
war with her relentless enemies, the Aboli- 
tionists. 

In 1852 we colonized from Virginia ''.71 
emigrants. The whole amount of money 
accruing to the cause of colonization in Vir- 
ginia for this year was $11,000. The Rev. 
Mr. Slaughter prepared and put into circula- 
tion at this time, for the use of members of 
the Legislature and other persons desiring 
information, a pamphlet containing " Mr. 
Howard's Memorial" and "Mr. Slaughter's 
Address to the Legislature," with letters from 
Commodores Stockton, Perry, Mayo and 
Marston, expressing the results of their ob- 
servations upon the coast of Africa, and an 
important event of this year was the election 
of John H. B. Latrobe, of Baltimore, to the 
Presidency of the American Colonization 
Society. Mr. Latrobe is a lawyer of a high 
order of talent, and of unblemished charac- 
ter, who, through evil and good report, has 
thrown the whole weight of his character 
and talent into the scale of our noble charity. 

On the 17th of February, 1853, the Annual 
meeting of the Colonization Society of Vir- 
ginia was held in the United Presbyterian 
Church in Richmond. It was attended by a 
most respectable audience, notwithstanding 
many competing attractions in the city on 
the same evening. 

William H. McFarland presided, and the 
meeting" was opened with prayer by the Rev. 
Dr. Jeter of the Bajitist Church. 



The Rev. Mr. Slaughter read his Report, 
shewing the onward progress of the work not 
only in Virginia, but in the United States. 

Mr. R. G. Scott introduced Mr. R. W. 
Thompson, a native of Virginia, but for many 
years a distinguished member of Congress 
fioin Indiana. Mr. Thompson made a very 
powerful speech in which he laid bare the 
morbid aiiatomy of Northern and English 
sympathisers with the alleged wrongs of the 
slave There was a chain of clear reasoning 
throughout the speech, along which streamed 
occasional flashes of genuine eloquence. — 
He placed the colonization cause upon broad 
grounds of policy and humanity, to which no 
Southern man could reasonably object. 

The questions arising out of the presence 
of so large a free colored pojailation in our 
midst were very freely discussed in the Leg- 
islature at this session. Divers schemes 
were suggested in debate for their lemoval, 
more or less stringent in their provisions. — 
They were all referred to the Committee of 
Courts of Justice, the chairman of which 
(Mr. Miller of Botetourt) reported a bill for 
their colonization in Liberia.. 

This bill, alter being discussed by Messrs. 
Rutherfoord of Goochland, Browne of Staf- 
ford, Poulson, Miller and others, was passed 
with aii.endments. 

Among the members most active and in- 
fluential in its support was Mr. John M. 
peed of Lynchburg. 

• he b.ll is as follows : 

AN ACT. 
EstahliJung a Colonization Board and ma- 
king an appropriation for the removal of 
free persons from the Commonweal:!i. passed 
^pril5th, 1853. 

Be it enacted by the General Assembly, 
that the sum of thirty thousand dollars shall 
be, and the same is hereliy appropriated to 
be paid annually for the period of five years 
out of any money in the Treasury not other- 
wise appropriated for the purposes and in 
the manner herein after prescribed. 

Be it further enacted, th.it the Secretary 
of the Commonwealth, the Auditor of Pub- 
lic Accounts and Second Auditor, and thi ir 
successors in office, and four other compc- 



The Virginian History of JJfrican Colonization 



103 



tent persons, to be appointed by the Gover- 
nor, shall constitute a board for the purpose 
of carrying into effect the provisions of this 
act. The said board shall be denominated 
'• the Colonization Board," any three of 
whose number shall constitute a quorum for 
the transaction of business. "The said Colo- 
nization Board," may sue and be sued in 
any form of action ; shrill cause a journal of 
their proceedings to be kept ; shall keep an 
exact account of all moneys disbursed under 
authorit}' of this act, and shall make a bien- 
nial report thereof to the General Assembly, 
showing the names, ages, and sex of such 
free negroes as may be transported from this 
commonwealth and the counties, cities or 
boroughs from which they may have been 
respectively transported, together with such 
other facts and suggestions as they may deem 
proper. 

The said Colonization Board shall have 
authority to receive donations and bequests, 
when made in aid of the Colonization Soci- 
ety of Virginia, and the said board shall 
dispose of such donations and bequests for 
the removal of free negroes to Liberia agree- 
ably to the provisions of this act. 

Whenever satisfactory proof shall be pro- 
duced to the said board, that any free ne- 
groes now free or born of free parents, and 
residents of this State, shall have betn actu- 
ally transported to the Colony, at Liberia, or 
other place on the western coast of Africa, 
or that they shall have been embarked for 
transportation thither, from within the limits 
of this commonwealth by the Virginia Colo- 
nization Society, it shall be lawful, and the 
said board are hereby required to issue their 
warrant upon the treasury of this common- 
wealth for such sum or sums of money as 
may be necessarj^to defi'ay the costs of trans- 
])orting and subsisting such tree negroes for 
a limited time on the said coast of Africa, 
])ayable to the authorized and accredited 
agents of the said Colonization Society ; pro- 
vided that the sum or sums which may liom 
time to time be thus expended, shall in no 
one year exceed the amount hereby appro- 
])riated for such year, unless there may be 
an unexpended balance of former appropri- 
ations ; and provided furthei that not more 
than the sum of fifty dollars shall be allowed 



by said board for the transportation and sub- 
sistence as aforesaid of any free negro. 

Be it further enacted, that an annual tax 
of one dollar shall be, and the same is hereby 
levied, upon every free male negro of the 
age of twenty-one years and under fifty-five 
years, to be ascertained and assessed on each 
liy the Commissioner of the Revenue in 
every year, and collected by the Sheriff or 
other Collector of the public revenue as 
other public taxes and levies upon free ne- 
groes are collected. All such taxes shall be 
accounted for with the Auditor in the pres- 
ent year, and every year hereafter, and paid 
into the Treasury as other public taxes; and an 
account thereof shall be raised on the books 
of the Auditor and Treasurer. The fund 
arising from this source shall be applied to 
Ihe removal of free negroes from the Com- 
monwealth in the manner prescribed in the | 
])receding sections of this act, and in addi- 
tion to the appropriation therein made. And 
it shall be the duty of the County or Corpo- 
lation Courts to charge the legal tax for the 
seal of Courts and attestation of every copy 
of registration delivered by them to any free 
negro, and to account with the Auditor of 
Public Accounts for such tax, and pay the 
same into the Treasury as other taxes in law 
process, except that they shall designate the 
same so as to enable the Auditor and Trea- 
surer to enter all such moneys to the account 
ilirected to be raised in the preceding part of 
this section, and the same shall be applied to 
the object thereof. 

The act of the eleventh of March, eigh- 
teen hundred and fifty, entitled an act ma- 
king an appropriation for the removal of free 
[lersons, is hereby repealed. 

This act shall be in force from its passage. 

The foregoing law which was passed at 
the instance of the society, is a great im- 
provement upon previous legislation. The 
" Board" which it establishes, was organized 
on the 2nd of May, by the election of Geo. 
W. Munford as President, and John Howard 
as Secretary. The other members are the 
lirst and second Auditors, Messrs. P. R. 
Grattan, T. H. Ellis and John 0. Steger, 
men whose character and intelligence com- 
mand the public respect and confidence. — 
These gentlemen deserve the thanks of the 
Society and of the Commonwealth for the 



104 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



diligence and courtesy with which they have 
done gratuitously the duties devolved upon 
them. This Board have made a full report 
of their doings to the Legislature and sug- 
gested several amendments to the existing 
law. Governor Johnson, in his messao-e, 
speaks of the report as an interesting one, 
and commends the proposed ainendments as 
judicious. The following facts illustrate the 
workings of this law. In 1853 the Society 
sent from Virginia, to Liberia, 241 emigrants, 
of whom 146 were entitled to $50 each from 
the State treasury. 

Many of the remaining 96 were recogni- 
zed in their neighbourhood as free negroes, 
but it was impossible to procure legal evi- 
dence of their freedom, and consequently 
did not draw any thing from the treasury for 
their transportation. The entire sum accru- 
ing to the cause of Colonization in Virginia 
in 1853, was $14,000. This includes $7,300 
from the State treasury, which was as much 
the fruit of the society's labors, as any other 
item of its revenue — the Legislature always 
making its appropriations at the solicitation 
of the Society. 

The annual meeting of the Colonization 
Society of Virginia, in February 1855, was 
a very interesting and encouraging one. The 
business of the society having been dispatch- 
ed during the previous week, a meeting was 
called at the Presbyterian church for the 
purpose of presenting the missionary and 
religious aspects of the Colonization enter- 
prize. The Christian Advocate said, "the 
flower of Richmond was present ; we doubt 
if the city could furnish a more polished, 
thoughtful and intelligent audience than 
crowded Dr. Moore's elegant church edifice 
on Sunday afternoon.'' There was a large 
number of ministers of the gospel present, 
representing all the Protestant denomina- 
tions of the city. The meeting was opened 
with prayer by the Pastor of the church. — 
The Missionary Hymn was sung with fine 
effect. The Rev. P. Slaughter made a brief 
statement of the leading facts and principles 
of the report, instead of reading the report 
itself. He then introduced to the audience 
the Rev. Dr. Doggett of the Methodist Epis- 
copal church, who delivered a very able, 
lucid and effective speech, which the society 
hopes to embody with its permanent docu- 



ments. He was followed by the Rev. R. R. 
Gurley, who has since visited Africa with 
reference to interests of Liberia. Mr. Gur- 
ley made some touching allusions to his for- 
mer visits to Richmond more than twenty 
years ago, and reported the results of his 
personal observations in Liberia, which were 
very encouraging to the friends of African 
Colonization. The Rev. Dr. Burrows of the 
Baptist church, after a few felicitous remarks, 
excused himself from detaining the audience 
at this late hour. He barely had time to 
express his cordial approbation of the cause, 
" to allude to the moral condition of Africa, 
typified by her own great Sahara," and to 
give utterance to the conviction that the 
" evangelization of that continent depended 
mainly upon the introduction of the gospel 
through the door opened by the Colonization 
Society." 

The annual report read on this occasion, 
drew the line of distinction between the Vir- 
ginian and the American Societies, showing 
that the former is more distinct from and in- 
dependent of the latter, than the State of 
Virginia is from the United States of Amer- 
ica. It traces the influence of the Virginia 
society in keeping the American society 
within the limitations of the Constitution. 
The late Anniversary of the American So 
ciety furnishes two pertinent instances of the 
agency of the delegate from Virginia in this 
respect, as will appear by the following ex- 
tract from the report. 

Complaints having been made in the South 
that the American society had admitted dis- 
cussions into a few of its annual reports and 
into the columns of its organ, the African 
Repository, inconsistent with the provisions 
of the Constitution, our representative, the 
Rev. P. Slaughter, introduced the following 
resolutions : 

Whereas, the exclusive design of the Ame- 
rican Colonization Society, as declared in its 
fundamental law, is to remove, with their 
own consent, the free colored people of the 
United States to Africa; and whereas, in 
carrying out this principle, this Board has 
ordered that all suggestions and schemes of 
emancipation shall be excluded from the 
African Depository and other official docu- 
ments of this society ; and whereas, it is 
necessary to the consummation of this policy 



The Viyninian History of Jifiiccm Colonizniion. 



105 



that the same principle should be applied to! 
the conduct of the public meetings of the 
Society, therefore, 

Resolved, That the Executive Committee 
should have strict regard to this principle in 
all arrangements for our annual meetings. 

Resolved, That no persons, other than those 
chosen by the Executive Committee, shall 
be permitted to make speeches at our public 
meetings, without a vote. 

After an animated discussion, these reso- 
lutions were adopted with but one dissentin,'j 
voice. The last resolution was intended to 
meet a particular case which had occurred a 
few days before at the anniversary of the 
American Colonization Society. The meet- 
ing having been addressed by the Governor 
of Connecticut, the Rev. Dr. Haight and 
Commander Foote of the Navy, and being | 
about fo adiourn, Col. Baldwin of Western! 
New York requested permission to make aj 
few remarks. He said that he was not a 
member of the society — but wished to sug- j 
gest to it some reflections which he thought; 
would greatly increase its usefulness. He | 
then proposed that the proceeds of the sales ofi 
the public lands should be applied to the 
purchase of slaves who should be colonized 
on our Western frontier, or in Liberia, &c.,! 
He was evidently an intelligent and well- 
meaning man, acknowledging the constitu-i 
tional rights of the South, and would do no- 
thing without their consent and cooperation.; 
But as he misrepresented the views of thej 
society, it was deemed expedient by the Vir-' 
ginia delegates that his misapprehension 
should be corrected, lest the society should, 
be suspected of sympathising with his views. 
This was very conclusively and happily done { 
by the Rev. Dr. Lee, who set forth distinctly! 
and luminously the powers and purposes of 
our association. Dr. Lee's remarks were 
well received and relieved the society of any 
wrong inferences that might have been de- 
rived from Mr. Baldwin's remarks. It was 
to prevent any such contingency for the fu- 
ture, that the last of the foregoing resolu- 
tions was moved and carried. 

Thus have the delegates from Virginia 

striven to shut every door to the intrusion 

into the official proceedings of the society, 

of any topics foreign to its legitimate aims. 

The whole number of emigrants from Vir- 



ginia in 1854, was 553, cf whom 273 were 
from Virginia. The revenue of the Colo- 
nization Society of Virginia in 1854, was 
$13,009. The udiole sum contributed in 
Virginia, including $2,000 sent directly to 
Washington, was about $1,500. The 273 
emigrants from Virginia, were distributed as 
follows, viz. : Alexandria 6 — Amherst 18 — 
Manchester 17 — King George 13 — Nanse- 
mond 15 — Henrico 39 — Madison 2 — Peters- 
burg 2 — Norfolk 1 — Richmond 13 — Fauquier 
54_-Loudon 12 — Portsmouth 19 — Botetourt 
14_Jefrerson 4— Big Lick 8— Berkeley 8— 
Hampshire 9 — Rockbridge 9 — Princess Ann 
7. From Eastern Virginia 229. Fro n Wes- 
tern Virginia 48. 

The following persons were elected offi- 
cers of the Colonization Society of Virginia 
for the ensuing year, viz : 

President — Col. John Rutherfoord. 

Vice-Presidents — R. G. Scott, William IL 
Macfarland, Henry A. Wise, Geo. W. Sum- 
mers, Judge Moncure, Andrew Stephenson, 
J. C. Bruce, Philip Williams, Alexander 
Steuart, Tazewell Taylor, Judge Caskie, J. 
McDowell Reid, Judge Tyler, Ballard Pres- 
ton, Judge Lee, John M. Speed, Wyndham 
Robertson, Thos. J. Michie, John H. Cocke, 
Wm. Maxwell and John Janney. 

Managers— V. V. Daniel, Jr., James Tho- 
mas, John O. Steger, R. Whitfiehl, Samuel 
Putnev, Dr. Wm. H. Gwathmey, Nicholas 
Mills, Dr. Merritt, P. R. Grattan, Michael 
Gretter, John C. Hobson, John Howard, Dr. 
Wm. P. Palmer, Fleming James, Wm. H. 
Haxall, James Dunlop, Jacqueline P. Tay- 
lor, H.A. Claiborne and John M. Patton, Jr. 

Recording Secretary — Frederick Bransford. 

Corresponding Secretary — P. V. Daniel, Jr. 

Treasurer — Thomas H. Ellis. 



CHAPTER XVI. 
Jlfrica and America ; Their providential re- 
lations ; The lesson it teaches; African 
Colonization a great Missionary scheme ; 
Remarkable agreement of Christians upon 
this subject ; Proceedings of ecclesiastical 
bodies in Virginia. The failure of all ivhite 
missions before the settlement of Liberia ; 
Sierra Leone, Wesleyan, Episcopal, Baptist, 
Presbyterian, and other missio?i stations, 
without the limits of Liberia. 
No American Christian can shut his eyes 



11 



106 



The Virginian Uisionj of Jifncan ColoaiiJition. 



to the relations which God has established 
between America the most highh' fiivored 
and Africa the most degraded nation on earth. 

When the •' Sun of Righteousness" made 
his sun-like circuit ol" the earth, he did not 
shed a ray upon the land of the black man. 
Millions in Central Africa had (through long 
centuries) lived without God and died with- 
out hope. When at last the Church of Christ 
awoke to a consciousness of its responsibili- 
ties and made the discovery of the melan- 
choly state of this people, it sent forth mis- 
sionary after missionary to plant the standard 
of the cross within this camp of Satan. 

Every white missionary fell a victim to 
the deadly night dews of that inhospitable 
clime, and the bones of a "noble army of 
martyrs" bleached the burning sands. 

To human view the land seemed doomed. 
In the meantime God had permitted large 
numbers of Africans to be transplanted in 
America and placed in contact with our 
Christian civilization, under the wholesome 
discipline to which they were subjected they 
have been rising steadil}' in the intellectual 
and moral scale until they have attained a 
stature far higher than those whom they left 
in their native seats. Thousands of them 
have been made acquainted with " the truth 
as it is in Jesus," and have died in the tri- 
umphs of the Christian faith. Thousands 
more are rejoicing in the hope of glory. This 
is " the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in 
our eyes." No thinking man can deny the 
significance of facts like these, and no con- 
scientious man can be indifferent to the ques- 
tions of duty which they revive. We have 
only to deal with these facts in their bearing 
upon the question of the evangelization of 
Africa. Some years since while Christians 
were consciously pondering the problem of 
planting the Gospel in Africa, the happy 
thought was suggested to their minds (by the 
spirit of God as we believe) of returning to 
the land of their fathers, christianised Afri- 
cans, carrying with them the ark of God and 
all the institutions of modern civilization. — 
Happily there was a class of these persons 
(the free negroes) to whose going no objec- 
tion would be opposed. Indeed, all inter- 
ests, social and political, conspired to favor 
the suggestion. The experiment was made 
and considering the poverty of the materials 



has succeeded beyond our anticipations. — 
Our civil and religious institutinns have been 
transplanted in the African wilderness which 
has become vocal with the accents of prayer 
and praise. Under the shadow of the Libe- 
rian government, the white missionary can 
now live, and the centre of African barba- 
rism has become the centre of christian in- 
fluence. African colonization has thus push- 
ed the base of our missionary operations 
across the Atlantic, 4,000 miles in advance 
ot its former position. Now ought this van- 
tage-ground, gained at such expense, to be 
maintained or abandoned. The colony is yet 
but an experiment. It needs still our nurs- 
ing care. Cherish it and Christianity will 
have a home in Africa. The colonist and 
the missionary must stand or fall together. 
" Missions and colonization," says Bishop 
Payne, " have ever been God's great scheme 
for spreailing Christianity over the world" — 
and again he says it is generally agreed 
among Christians " that colonization is one 
of God's plans." 

Bishop Scott after visiting the Methodist 
churches in Liberia, calls the Colonial settle- 
! ments bright spots raying out light upon the 
(Surrounding darkness." Of the same report 
is the testimony of Mr. Bowen and the Bap- 
itist missionaries, and Mr. Wilson and the 
Presbyterians. If we compare for a moment 
the present state of American missions in 
j Liberia with their condition before the es- 
itablishment of the Colonies, the comparison 
'will be most instructive. The Methodist 
i Conference consists of twenty-one preach- 
ers, all or whom are colorea. They number 
1,301 members, of whom 116 are natives. — 
Fifteen Sunday schools and 839 scholars, of 
whom fifty are natives. Twenty week day 
[Schools and five hundred and thirteen schol- 
lars ; seven native schools and one hundred 
land twenty-seven scholars. They have a 
seminary at Monrovia for the higher branches 
[Which cost $10,000. 

I The Baptist Board (whose pioneer was 
j Lot Cary of Virginia) have fifteen stations, 
; twenty colored missionaries, seven teachers, 
four native assistants, thirteen day schools 
and four hundred and thirty-six pupils — six 
hundred communicants. 

The Presbyterians have twoordained min- 
isters one licentiate, three churches, one 



The Virgmian History of African Colonization. 



10" 



hundred and sixteen members and three 
Sunday schools. They have also day schools 
for natives and colonists. At Monrovia they 
have an excellent school of from fifty to 
seventy-five scholars, and at the same place 
the Alexander High School, under the care 
of the Rev. D. A. Wilson, a fine scholar. 

The Episcopal mission begun in 1836, has 
stations at Cape Palmas, Monrovia,, Rassa, 
Sinou, and Clay-Ashland on the St. Pauls. 
They have a stone Church at Cape Palmas 
and also an Orphan Asylum, a brick church 
on the St. Pauls and a stone one at Monrovia. 

Among the Colonists it has four settled 
ministers and one candidate for orders, four 
common schools, one high school, five teach- 
ers and assistants, and 150 scholars. 

Among the natives they have five stations. 
The language of one tribe has been reduced 
to writing. About one hundred native chil- 
dren are in the boarding schools of the mis- 
sion. There are eight or ten native teach- 
ers, three candidates for the ministry, and 
two ordained native ministers. 

In view of these facts what American 
Christian can fail to see that he is under ob- 
ligation to follow the leading's of God's 
Providence. He seems to have committed 
Africa to our keeping. Her destiny is (hu- 
manly speaking) in the hands of American 
Christians. We have already seen the re- 
markable agreement of politicians of all par- 
ties in the wisdom of the scheme of African 
Colonization as a measure of State policy. 
The following proceedings of the ecclesias- 
tical bodies of Virginia, will show a like 
agreement among Christians of all creeds as 
to its nrissionary aspect. 

After a brief address by the Rev. P. Slaugh- 
ter, the Baptist General Association of Vir- 
ginia in 1853, passed unanimously the fol- 
lowing reso utions. 

On motion of Elder Wm. F. Broaddus, the 
following resolutions were passed unani- 
mously : 

Resolved, That the subject of African col- 
onization is, in our judgment, a wise mea- 
sure of State policy, and a worthy object of 
Christian sympathy and support. 

Resolved, That we have entire confidence 
in the Colonization Society of Virginia, and 
invoke for its Agents the kind co-operation 
of the Baptists of Virginia. 



Resolved, That we recommend to our breth- 
ren in the ministry to present this subject to 
their congregations on some Sabbath in the 
year, and take up a collection for the Colo- 
nization Society of Virginia. 

Signed. J. B. Jeter, Moderator. 

All who were present recollect the flatter- 
ing testimonies borne by Elders Ball and 
Bowen, to the flourishing state of the colo- 
nies in Liberia. They testified what they 
had seen. No one can have forgotten their 
warm exhortations to cherish these colonies 
as great agencies of Providence for giving 
Christianity a home in Africa. One of these 
brethren has since gone to give an account 
of his stewardship, and we doubt not looks 
back with joy to his labors of love for poor 
benighted Africa. The other still toils be- 
neath her burning sun, patiently waiting for 
the crown of martyrdom. 

Resolutions of the Episcopal Convention of 
Virginia. 

" Rev. Mr. Slaughter presented the fol- 
lowing preamble and resolutions, which 
were unanimously adopted : 

" Whereas, this Convention is informed of 
the re-organization of the Colonization So- 
ciety of Virginia, whose object is to coope- 
rate with the American Colonization Society 
in sending back to the land of their fathers 
the free colored of this State. And, where- 
as, it is believed that the success which has 
attended the scheme of African Coloniza- 
tion, encourages the hope that it will do 
more than any other plan which has been 
suggested for the solution of the difficult, 
social, political and religious problems arising 
out of the providential presence of this 
class of persons amongst us, and furnishes 
strong reasons for believing that the chris- 
tian commonwealth which it has planted in 
the very centre of African barbarism — by 
means of its churches and schools, as well 
as by the protection and encouragement it 
affords to our missionaries to the Heathen, 
and by being in itself the nursery of native 
colored missionaries — is one of the chief in- 
struments by which Divine Providence will 
fulfil his own prophecy, that ' Ethiopia shall 
soon stretch forth her hand unto God. There- 
fore, 

" Resolved, That this Convention doth 



lOS 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



c immend to the members and friends of our 
communion in Virginia, the subject of Afri- 
can Colonization, as a wise measure of State 
policy, and a deserving object of christian 
charity. 

" Resolved, That it be earnestly recom- 
mended to the Ministers and Vestries of the 
Episcopal Church in this Diocese, to take 
up collections for this cause on the Sunday 
preceding or succeeding the 4th of July, or 
at such other time as they may deem more 
expedient." 

Resolutions of Presbyiei-inn Synod of Vir- 
ginia passed after an address of Rev. P. 
Slaughter seconded by member of the Synod. 

Resolved, That the Ministers of this Sy- 
nod be earnestly recommended to present 
this subject to the several congregations 
with which they are connected, at some 
early day, and take up collections in its be- 
half with a view of giving efficiency to the 
legislation of the State upon this great mea- 
sure of State policy and Christian charity. 

Resolution of Methodist Episcopal Confer- 
ence South, after an address by Rev. Mr. 
Slaughter seconded by Drs, Dogget and Lee. 

The Rev. Jos. H. Davis then offered the 
following resolution, which was passed unan- 
imously : 

Resolved, That this Conference recom- 
mend to the approval and piitronage of our 
people generally, the interests of the Colon- 
ization Society of Virginia, and that we re- 
commend that collections be taken up in its 
behalf on the Sabbath preceding the 4th of 
July in each year. 

Resolution of Baltimore Conference. 

Resolved, That we regard the cause of 
African Colonization with increasing favor 
and W'ill give it our cordial support. 

2. Resolved, That we cordially commend 
to the people within the bounds of this con- 
ference the Rev. R. Given, agent for the 
Pennsylvania State Colonization Society, the 
Rev. J. Seys, agent for the Maryland State 
Colonization Society, and the Rev. P. Slaugh- 
ter, agent for the Virginia State Coloniza- 
tion Society. 

The foregoing fact will be more instruc- 
tive if placed in contrast with the melancholy 
failure of all previous efforts of white mis- 
sionaries to plant Christianity permanently 
in tropical Africa. Roman Catholic mission- 



aries laboured in this field for more than tw-o 
hundred years without leaving a trace be- 
hind them The Moravians beginning in 
1736 toiled for thirty four years, making five 
attempts at the cost of many lives and effect- 
ed nothino;. An English effort made in 
1792 was abandoned in two years with a loss 
of one hundred lives. The London, Edin- 
burg and Glasgow Societies commenced 
three stations in 1797 which were extinct in 
three years, having lost five out of six mis- 
sionaries. The London missionary Society 
established ten stations, and nine of them 
were soon driven to take refuge in Sierra 
Leone the only place in which they would 
labor with hope. The tenth was given up 
to the French. Thus did eighteen mission- 
ary enterprises, before the settlement of Li- 
beria, fail, while every attempt at colonizing 
Africa with colored people and every mis- 
sionary effort connected with the Colonies, 
has succeeded. 

That the reader may have a general idea 
of missionary operations in Western Africa, 
we will notice briefly the several stations 
besides Liberia. The principal seat of Eng- 
lish operations is Sierra Leone. When the 
decision of Lord Mansfield in the case of 
the negro Somerset established the axiom 
that so soon as a slave sets his foot on Eng- 
lish ground he becomes free, there were 
many negroes in London who had been 
brought to England by their masters ; these 
soon after their emancipation fell into great 
distress for want of a competent support. 
Under the auspices of Granville Sharp, 
the British government removed them to 
Sierra Leone in 1787. During the Ameri- 
can revolution a number of negroes were 
seduced to join the Royal Standard and | 
were subsequently planted in Nova Scotia. 
The climate being too cold for them, about 
1200 were removed at their own request to 
Sierra Leone in 1792. In 1815 Paul Cuffee 
induced forty blacks to go with him at his 
expense to Sierra Leone. A large accession 
to its population has been made by negroes 
recaptured from the slave-traders by the 
British Navy. Its present population is be- 
tween forty and fifty thousand. This settle- 
ment has suffered many disasters, but prom- 



'Ihe Virginian Historic of African Colonization. 



109 



ises to survive them all. The English | church in the Island of Barbadoes, contem- 



Cliurch Missionary Society v^as originally 
established with the view of furnishing 
CUiristian teachers to Sierra Leone. This 
Society says in one of its reports " It is im- 
possible to estimate the importance of Sierra 
Leone as a seed plot for the evangelization 
of Africa. Thei'e were collected at this 
point representatives of more than 200 dif- 
ferent tribes, speaking 151 distinct languages 
besides numerous dialects of the same. 
These tribes lie along 4000 miles of coast 
from the Senegal to the Portuguese settle- 
mi'iits. Tribes far distant in the interior 
have also their representatives in this colony. 
The design of the Society is to instruct these 
in the Christian religion, and send them to 
their own tribes speaking each in his tongue 
the wonderful works of God. 

"The Christian character of these natives 
has been amply tested and has been found 
in many instances capable of sustaining with 
consistency the pressure of service and res- 
ponsibility. Many of them have acted with 
fidelity and intelligence for years as Cate 
chists, while a few have been admitted to 
Holy orders." Some three thousand of 
these Africans have been sent from Sierra 
Leone to Abeokuta, sixty miles north of Ba- 
dagry, where they have erected churches in 
the midst of a large heathen population. 

Since 1735 the English Wesleyans have 
multiplied their stations from Dixcove 300 
miles east of Cape Palmas. They have 
penetrated to Kumasi the capitol of Ashantee. 
They report 23 places of preaching, 23 day- 
schools and 1000 scholars ; 809 communi- 
cants and 4700 attendants on public wor- 
ship. The English Baptists have a mission 
on the Island of Fernando Po. The Ger- 
mans have one at Acra. 

The Church Missionary Society have be- 
gun a mission on the eastern coast in latitude 
4° south. In Southern Africa the English 
Wesleyans alone report nearly 5000 atten- 
dants upon public worship and 5000 children 
under instruction. The London Congrega- 
tional Society is exerting also a great influ- 
ence. The operations of the Paris Mission- 
ary Society, and of the American Board are 



plate a missionary colony in Western Afri- 
ca. The heroic Bowen, the American Bap- 
tist missionary, with his brethren have 
pitched their tents far in the interior of Af- 
rica, and are calling for help to occupy 
waste places beyond Abeokuta. Thus are 
the hosts of God penetrating on all sides the 
stronghold of Sin, Satan and Death, furnish- 
ing a ground for the hope that in the good 
time to come the African wilderness "shall 
blossom like the rose." In these latter 
days when the light of saving truth has been 
kindled and is growing brighter in almost all 
the dark regions of the globe, Africa should 
not and will not be forgotten, for the decree 
has gone forth " Ethiopia shall stretch out 
her hands unto God." 



CHAPTER XVII. 

The Geography of Liberia, Montscrado County. 
Monrovia, Georgia, Caldwell, Virginia, 
Kentucky, Millsburg. The St. Paul's 
Junk, Stockton and St. John's rivers. 
.Marshall. Bassa County, Edina, Buch- 
anan, Bexley, Sinou, Gi eenville, Reedsville, 
Lexington, Louisiana, Maryland, Cajje Pal- 
mas, Harper, Cavalla, S^'c, S)'c. 

The territorial limits of the Republic of 
Liberia on the sea-coast, are the Sherbro 
river on the north in latitude 7-20, and the 
grand Sesters river on the south in latitude 
4-30. The distance between these points 
on the coast is about 500 miles. It is divi- 
ded into three counties. Montserado, grand 
Bassa and Sinou. Monrovia, in Montserado 
County, is the Capitol of the Republic, and 
has about 2000 inhabitants. It is located 
near the mouth of Messurado river about 
four miles south east of the entrance of the 
St. Paul s river into the ocean on an eleva- 
ted site behind Cape Messurado in 6°16' 
north. The summit of the Cape is 250 feet, 
and the highest point of the town about 80 
feet above the level of the sea. The town 
is partly hidden by the promontory. Com- 
mander Lynch says the pitch of the Cape 
IS gentlv rounded, and would present a rug- 



ged appearance, were it not covered with 
also extensive and efficient. The Episcopal | the richest mantle of green which I ever 



no 



The Virginian History of jJfrican Colonization. 



looked upon. "Except a narrow .strip of beach 
with a iew outlying rocks at the water edge, 
all is one mass of foliage of tangled vines 
and shrubbery beneath, and above, a dense 
growth of trees half-concealing the light- 
house upon the summit of the cape. The 
houses in the town are detached, being built 
on lots of a quarter of an acre each. The 
houses are generally one story or a story and 
a half high, some have two full stories. The 
best houses are built of stone and brick; 
many of them are neatly and some hand- 
somely furnished. In almost all the yards 
there are fruit trees, such as the lime, the 
lemon, the banana, the tamarind, the orange 
and the coffee tree. On Broadway, south 
of Fort Hill, is the government House, a 
large stone building with arched windows 
and a balcony in front. The lower floor is 
used as a Court room and printing office, 
and the upper one as the hall of the Legis- 
lative Council ; behind it is the jail ; directly 
opposite is the President's House, a double 
two-story brick building with a portico, the 
roof of which is supported by lofty columns. 
There are five churches well attended. Capt. 
Lynch says " I never saw a more thorough 
church going community, nor heard a greater 
rustling of silks when the congregation dis- 
persed. One of the most gratifying things 
1 saw was the great number of well dressed 
and well behaved children." 

The suburbs, the river and the inner har- 
bor are commanded by Fort Hill and the 
outer harbor by Fort Norris. On the out- 
skirt of the town is a large coffee grove. 
Agriculture about Monrovia is not flourish- 
ing, owing to the absorbing spirit of trade 
and the poverty of the soil in its vicinity. 
The town was more prosperous says Capt 
Lynch than he had anticipated. The sea 
breeze at all times blows directly over it, 
and in this respect it has the advantage of 
Sierra Leone. About three miles above its 
mouth, the St. Pauls river forks ; the main 
stream running towards the ocean, while the 
other branch (Stockton creek) flows in a 
south easterly direction, and unites with the 
little Messurado river near its mouth form- 
ing Bushrod Island. On the south east, the 
east branch of Messurado river is separa- 
ted by a portage of only five miles from the 



head of Junk river which empties into the 
ocean 35 miles below. Monrovia is the nat- 
ural outlet of a large extent of country. 

New Georgia is a small settlement on 
Stockton creek five miles from Monrovia. It 
is peopled chiefl}' by natives recaptured by 
our Navy and sent to Liberia by the Gov- 
ernment of the United States. Most of them 
have taken the oath of Allegiance ; many 
have intermarried with Colonists and one 
has been a Representative in the Legis- 
lature. 

Caldwell is on the St. Pauls river, com- 
mencing about 9 miles from Monrovia and 
running along the river about six miles. The 
houses are from one hundred yards to a 
quarter of a mile apart. Some of the most 
successful farmers reside here ; popula- 
tion 400. 

New Virginia, opposite to Caldwell, was 
settled in 1846 and is the site of the United 
States receptacle for liberated Africans; 
population about 400. The St. Pauls is three 
quarters of a mile wide at Caldwell and 
grows narrower to Millsburg fourteen miles 
from its mouth. 

Commander Lynch says, that after pass- 
ing Caldwell the river becomes bold and 
swiftly flowing and the banks being dotted 
with farm houses, it was like the shifting of 
a scene in a theatre, and he gazed with sat- 
isfaction at the beautiful sight. The banks 
were from 10 to 30 feet high. On each side 
is a cultivated belt with a dense forest be- 
hind it; ihe most conspicuous trees are the 
ligrht-ffreen broad-leaved banana and the 
palms rearing their tufted heads high above 
them all. The soil is a loamy clay " equal 
to the best sugar lands of Brazil." On the 
banks of the river are four hundred farms 
and three thousand cultivators. Many of 
the houses are of brick. Capt. Lynch says 
" he landed at four or five places and saw 
every indication of comfort and prosperity, 
far more so than in Monrovia. The houses 
were well furnished. The sugar cane was 
growing finely, and a little cotton was raised 
for domestic use. The coffee tree is indigenous 
and being transplanted requires but little 
care." I cannot give a better idea of the 
prosperity of the settlements on the St. Pauls 
than by stating that cleared land fronting the 
river sells at $40 to $50 per acre. Some of 



The Virgiyiian History of Jlfrican Colojiizalion. 



Ill 



which Lynch says in beauty and fragrance 
of foliage and flower equals the orange 



the countiy seats were beautiful, such as 

Pleasant View, Iconium and Mt. Horeb. 

Clay Ashland and Millsburg are villages, the 1 which it far surpasses in the fruit. The tiiu 

former having about 200, the latter about 

400 inhabitants. 

SiNou County, extends from tlie river 



ber in many varieties is harder and heavier 
than any in America except the live oak, 
and much of it when seasoned will not float 
Sesters on the North to Grand Sesters on the! in water. Other kinds correspond to our 
South, embracing about eighty miles of Sea- 1 pine in lightness, and whether for houses, 

ships or furniture, the mechanic is abun- 
dently supplied. 

Marshall is a settlement of about 300 
inhabitants at the mouth of the Junk river 
which empties into the sea about 35 miles 
south of Monrovia. It is called after the 
late chief Justice of the U. States. It is 
noted for the manufacture of lime from the 
shells of oysters which abound in the Junk 
river. The northern branch of this river 
which is about forty miles long is the chief 
thoroughfare between Monrovia and Mar- 
shall. 

Bassa County has the towns of Edina 
and Bassa Cove on the opposite points of the 
mouth of the St. Johns river which is a 
beautiful stream flowing into the sea about 
sixty miles south of the St. Pauls. Bassa 
Cove extends nearly ail the way to Fish- 



coast. Greenville and its vicinity and Set- 
tra Kroo are the only portions of the coast 
settled by Liberians. The latter is only a 
missionary station at which two or three 
families of Liberians live. Missionaries of 
the Presbyterian Board labored at Settra 
Kroo for several years. They still have a 
native school there taught by a Liberian. 
The Sinou, a small but placid river was cho- 
sen many years ago by Colonists from Mis- 
sissippi, Louisiana and South Carolina who 
after acclimating at Monrovia founded the 
town of Greenville on the right bank just 
above the river's mouth. Greenville faces 
the sea and has the river just beyond it. To 
the South are two shallow bays. At the 
North Western exti-emity of the most North- 
ern bay is the promontory of Bloobarre, a 



broad, high rock, at the inland base of which town which Is at the point of Bassa Cove or 
are the brown, conical huts of the £/oo^rt;Te| harbour. Within the bar are concentrated 
tribe. Greenville is regularly laid out, and , the waters of three rivers; the Mecklin 
Mississippi avenue with a row of houses on flowing from the north; the St. Johns iroin 
one side and the sea on the other is a delight- 1 the north east; and the Benson from the 
ful promenade. Capt. Lynch saj^s the houses fast 



were the neatest he had seen, and the gar- 
dens much better than those at Monrovia. 
There is a number of mechanics in Green- 
ville and also a steam saw-mill to which tim- 
ber is rafted by an artificial canal from tiie 
river. 

The river though deep within the bar is 
navigable only seventeen miles to the falls ; 
about two miles from the beach it branches 
into two streams. On the land, between the 
two, and lacing both rivers are several vil- 
lages or farmiiiii; settlements, as Rossville, 
Readsville, Lexington, &c. The population 
of Greenville is about 600, and the other 
settlements have about 100 each. Rice is 



Edina settled in 1832 has about 300 in- 
habitants. It is situated on the north side of 
the estuary, immediately on the sea, on a 
tongue of land between the Mecklin and the 
ocean. It has one Baptist and one Metho- 
dist place of worship, many pleasant . resi- 
dences and two schools. 

Upper Buchanan on the south side of the* 
estuary has about 280 inhabitants and is 
most advantageously situated for trade. The 
Methodists and Baptists have places of wor- 
ship here, and there are two schools and six 
stores. 

Lower Buchanan is t\\io miles and a half 
south of the river's mouth, and is beautifully 
situated on the finest bay in Liberia There 



the principal growth and is raised in great i are 200 inhabitants. The new mission house 
quantities by the Natives. The principal fur an Episcopal missionary, also a high 
article of export is Palm oil; much atten- school building and church will be erected 
tion is paid to the culture of the coffee plant near this settlement. The mission house is 



112 



The Virginian History of Jifricun Colonizatioji. 



now going up. On the Benson river there 
is a steam saw mill. Near Buchanan Capt. 
Lynch saw a number of cattle larger than 
those at Monrovia. 

Harrisburg and BexLEY are farming dis- 
tricts on the St. Johns. The former is a re- 
cent settlement ; the latter extends five or 
six miles along the river, and some of the 
residences and farms present an interesting 
appearance. Industry and entcri)rise are a]»- 
parent. The northern Baptist Board is do- 
ing an excellent work among the Bassas. 
The mission buildings at Bexley are beauti- 
fully situated. Mr. Von Bruns village of 
native Bassas, opposite Bexley, is under the 
jurisdiction of Liberia, and Mr. Van Brun 
its chief, is a christian teacher and magis- 
trate. The Methodists and Baj)tists are both 
laboring successfully on the St. Johns. The 
St. Johns river is half a mile wide at the 
estuary, and fo*- a mile is fringed with man- 
groves. Thence it gradually lessens in width 
and at the distance of three miles is divided 
into two channels by Factory Island. Above 
the Island the river gradually narrows in 
widthr and does not exceed two hundred 
yards at Bexley. Opposite to Bexley is the 
town of "Old Soldier," a venerable and 
frieudly old man upwards of one hundred 
years old. Not far above is the head of navi- 
gation. After the mangrove ceases the soil 
is a yellowish clay; and the principal growth 
is the soap tree, the wild cotton tree and the 
palm tree. 

The chief forest growth above the rapids 
is Camwood, bastard Mahogany, AfYican 
Hickory and Oak. From thirty to fifty miles 
from the sea is one unbroken Camwood for- 
est used by the natives for fuel and for build- 
ing. The whole world might be supplied 
with Camwood wafted down the St. Johns. 
Most of the land on the coast has been clear- 
ed, cultivated, abandoned, is grown up into 
tangled thickets and shrubs interlaced with 
enumerable vines and creepers. In ascend- 
ing the rivers the primitive forest in all its 
natural grandeur rovers the earth ; the grace- 
ful palm tree waves, its feathery branches, 
and the lofty Wisnione and huge mahogany 
rear their towering heads, while among the 
green foliage is seen innumerable gay blos- 
soms, which, says Lynch, give a kaleidosco- 
pic variety to the embowering wood. 



Maryland in Liberia is an independent 
State. It was settled in 1834 by Colonists 
from the State of Maryland. It is about 
250 miles by sea, south east of iVlonrovia. 
Cape Palmas is a rocky peninsula joined to 
the main by a low, sandy isthmus ; the high- 
est part of it is about 74 feet above the sea. 
Its eastern end is covered by a collection of 
Native houses called Grand Town : on the 
remainder of the peninsula is the settlement 
of Colonists. The chief town is Harper. 
The cess.ion of this territory was negotiated 
by Dr. James Hall. In February, 1834, the 
Maryland Col. Society landed 53 emigrants 
at this point. In 1836 an additional tract of 
land was procured, extending the Colonial 
territory along the Cavally to the distance of 
30 miles from its mouth. Palmas river 
washes the Northern side of the peninsula. 
In 1837 Russwurm a colored man was ap- 
pointed governor. This colony is now an 
independent State. William A. Prout (a 
colored man) the secretary and friend of 
Russwurm has been appointed Governor, and 
B. J. Diayton, Lt. Governor, and Thomas 
Mason, Secretary of State. The Cavally 
river enters the sea fifteen miles east of Cape 
Palmas. Its mouth being choked by sand 
bars is not more than one hundred yards 
wide, but immediately above it spreads out 
to the breadth of half a mile. It is naviga- 
ble for boats sixty miles. At the distance of 
forty five miles from the coast, it passes be- 
tween two high mountains which in clear 
weather are visible from the sea. The names 
of some twenty tribes are familiar as inhabit- 
ing the banks of the Cavalla and on its 
placid bosom the messengers of the gospel 
are carrying the glad tidings of the gospel to 
the heathen. Maryland in Liberia is the 
I chief seat of the American Episcopal Mis- 
[sionaries who have a church, (St. Mark's) an 
I orphan Asylum and schools. The Baptists 
! and Methodists and Presbyterians have also 
i missions in this State. We regret that we 
, have not the materials at hand for an accu- 
; rate and fuller account of these interesting 
\ missions. The ])opulation is about 1000 em- 
1 iu;rants from America and m.anv native tribes 
under the Jurisdiction of the State. 

I Note. — Tlie fiirpgoiiig geosrapliy of Lilieiia has been 
coinjiiled Irom tlip personal ohservsilioiis oC (Japtain^i 

I F^yiicli iiiid FoDte nf tlie United Stales Navy, of Ur Lii ■ 
eelibeel, and of the Kev. Messrs. Finney and (inrley, and 

, (if a wiiler in llie Cavalla JVJesseiiser a paper piiLlished 

j liy tlie Kpiscopal Missionaries at Cajie Palmas. 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



113 



Chapter XVIII. 

Testimony of eye-witnesses of Liberia: Rev. 
Messrs. Gurley and Pinney, of Dr. Lugen- 
beel, of the Missionaries, of our J^avnl Offi- 
cers, Commodores Stockton, Perry, Mayo, 
Lavalette, Read, Cooper and Ctregory; Com- 
manders Lynch, Foote, Marston, Rudd and 
Purser Bradford; comparison of Coloniza- 
tion of Virginia and Liberia, ifc.\ 



We Bre aware that there are those who re- 
gard tha pictures of Liberia, drawn by its 
partial friends, as overwrought. To some 
extent this is probably true ; but if any reli- 
ance is to be placed on human testimony, 
we cannot be deceived as to the main facts, 
attested as they are by so many disinterested 
and unimpeachable witnesses. 

Not having visited Liberia ourselves, we 
are obliged to rely upon the evidence of 
those who testify what they have seen. These 
eye-witnesses may be distributed into three 
classes : the first class will embrace the Rev. 
Messrs. Gurley and Pinney, and Dr. Lngen- 
beel. Mr. Gurley visited the colony in its 
infancy, and again in 1849, after a lapse of 
twenty years. On the latter occasion he 
went out at the instance ofthe government of 
the United States, with instructions to ascer- 
tain and report the condition and resources 
of the Republic of Liberia. He made an 
I elaborate report of his observations, to the 
Secretary of State which was communicated 
by him to the Senate of the United States, 
and printed by its order. 

Dr. Lugenbeel resided six years in Liberia 
as colonial physician and agent of the Ame- 
rican government for recaptured Africans. 
The result of his observations maybe seen in 
his Sketches of Liberia, which give much val- 
uable information about the geography, cli- 
mate and productions ofthe country. 

The Rev. Mr. Pinney was once governor 
I of the colony, and after the lapse of many 
years, revisited it in 1854. His report has 
I been spread before the public in all our 
newspapers. These witnesses being all ar- 
dent colonizationists, may be suspected of 
having painted too flattering a portrait ofthe 
young Republic. Let their testimony then, 
ibe compared with the depositions of other 
15 



witnesses. There are many Christian mis- 
sionaries within the limits of Liberia; many 
of these went to Africa with strong preju- 
dices against the colonies; they were of opi- 
nion that a community of merely nominal 
Christians should not be placed in contact 
with the heathen, lest the latt'ir should be 
prejudiced against Christianity by the incon- 
sistent lives of the colonists, whom they 
would regard as the representatives of the 
religion of Christ. The missionaries now 
admit that this was a short-sighted view of 
the subject, and they concur in the opinion 
that the colonies, in connection with mis- 
sions, are designed b/ Providence to be the 
instruments of African regeneration. The 
children of colonists furnish the best mate 
rial for colored missionaries, upon whom they 
ultimately rely for a permanent ministry. 

But there is another class of witnesses 
above all suspicion of bias. These are the 
gallant officers of our JVavy, who have com- 
manded squadrons and single ships upon the 
coast of Africa. The first of these whom we 
shall cite, is Commodore Stockton, who, dur- 
ing Mr. Monroe's administration, cooperated 
in choosing the site of the first plantation. 
In a letter to the author in December, 1852, 
he says: "In regard to Liberia becoming a 
permanent and desirable asylum for our free 
people of color, I consider that question set- 
tled by the experiment already made. No 
colony in modern times has given more au- 
spicious indications of ultimate success, — 
Liberia, in my opinion, is the natural home 
and should be the alluring hope of the Afii- 
can in America. 

The only hope of the race and of Africa, 
is in colonizing those who have been chris- 
tianized on their ancestral shores, where 
they may secure the blessings already achiev- 
ed, and communicate them to their kindred 
but barbarous tribes. That in Liberia the 
negro race may rise and become a flourish- 
inof and progressive race, I have no doubt. 
Elsewhere there is no such hope to encour- 
age them. I have great confidence in the 
success ol the good cause in which you are 
engaged. It has passed through its state of 



infancy and childhood, and is fast ripening 
into the bone and hardihood of maturity. I 



114 



The Virginian History of African Colonization, 



hope that Virginia may soon become the 
entire friend of this noble cause." 

Commodore Perry says: "Having had an 
agency while serving as 1st Lieutenant of 
the Cyane in the selection of Mesurado as a 
suitable place for settling the colonists, I first 
saw this beautiful promontory, when its dense 
forests were only inhabited by wild beasts. 
Since then, I have visited it thrice, and each 
time have noticed with infinite satisfaction, 
its progressive improvement." After notic- 
ing several particulars, he continues : "Upon 
the whole, I cannot but think most favorably 
of these settlements. The experiment of 
settling the free colored people upon this 
coast, has succeeded beyond the expecta- 
tions of many of the warmest friends of col- 
onization, and I may venture to predict that 
the descendants of the present settlers are 
destined to become an intelligent and thriv- 
ing people. The endeavors of the colonists 
to suppress the slave trade, have been emi- 
nently successful, and it is by planting these 
settlements along the coast, that the export- 
ation of slaves will be most effectually pre- 
vented. These settlements would have a 
certain tendency to civilize natives by intro- 
ducing among them schools, the mechanic 
arts, and those comforts for which they will 
exchange articles of African produce. Their 
commerce, already considerable, would be 
increased. It is much to be desired that 
these settlements should be multiplied and 
sustained by the fostering care of Congress 
and the government." 

Co7nmodore Mayo in 1853, writing from the 
flag-ship, gives his opinion as follows : 

" When in command of the Macedonian 
in 1843-44, my interest in colonization was 
confirmed by my observations. My more 
recent observations in this ship have con- 
vinced me that the efforts of the coloniza- 
tion societies have been crowned with the 
most substantial success, and that the results 
of their generous philanthropy is no longer 
doubtful. No one who sees the American 
emigrant in the Legislature and courts of 
justice, performing the highest duties of a 
citizen with grave and decorous intelligence, 
no one who sees the schools and churches, 
the erection of substantial and spacious 



brick houses, which are supplanting the 
cheaper structures of the earlier colonists, 
will fail to find abundant evidence of the im- 
proved condition of the black man in his new 
home. I have the strongest faith in the bright 
future that awaits Libeiia, and that she will 
wield the most powerful influence in regene- 
rating Africa. 

It gives me pleasure to find that the most 
cordial feeling seems to exist between the 
missionaries and the colonial authorities. 
The American colonies have driven the 
slavers from a large portion of the coast, 
once their favorite resort, and the influence 
of legitimate trade will prove one of the most 
powerful instruments for the suppression of 
the traffic. The English have shown much 
wisdom in establishing their line of steamers 
and it is greatly to be regretted, that our own 
government has not been authorized to avail 
itself of this method of securing a valuable 
branch of commerce, and aff"ording aid to 
colonization. The withdrawal of the African 
squadron would be attended with the most 
injurious results. Our trade on this coast 
would certainly be destroyed or perverted to 
the purposes of the slave trade, &c. 

In conclusion, I have no hesitation in say- 
ing as a southerner and a slaveholder, that 
every exertion should be used to get at least 
one or two hundred thousand dollars to car- 
ry out the laudable views of our several colo- 
nization societies, and if the abolitionists 
(who, I see by the papers, have been attack- 
ing you as welt as me,) would appropriate 
half the money they expend in aiding the 
running away of our negroes, to the coloni- 
zation society, they would stand some chance 
of getting to Heaven." 

To the foregoing might be added the evi- 
dence of Commodores Read, Lavelette, Skin- 
ner, Cooper, Gregory, and we believe of every 
officer who has commanded a squadron upon 
the coast of Africa ; but our space forbids. 
We must content ourselves with summoning 
several witnesses from a number of subordi- 
nate officers, who have testified in favor of 
Liberia. Among these, Commanders Foote 
and Lynch have made the fullest reports. 
The former commanded the brig Perry in 
1850 and 1851, and has written an instruc- 



The Virginian Histoey tf African Colonization. 



115 



tive volume of nearly 400 piages, entitled Af- 
rica and the American Flag, in which he had 
given a view of the whole subject in all its 
aspects and relations. One who would form 
a just judgment of Liberia, should not fail to 
consult Commander Foote's interesting 
pages. 

Commander Lynch, in 18.'^2, was ordered 
by the Secretary of the Navy to visit the 
coast of Africa, for the purpose of acquiring 
intelligence preliminary to an exploration of 
the country interior and adjacent to Liberia. 
In obedience to this order he visited many 
places on the Liberian coast and in the inte- 
rior. 

The result of his observations was publish- 
ed by Congress in a volume of i^ixty-four 
pages, containing much valuable information 
about the Liberian settlements, the com- 
merce and productions and general condi- 
tion of the Republic and the adjacent coun- 
try. We should be pleased to give a sum- 
mary of this valuable report, but we must 
content ourselves with the remark, that it is 
of the same import with the documents al- 
ready cited, and beg our readers to consult 
it for themselves. We now quote from a 
letter of Commander John Ru>ld, of Frede- 
ricksburg, Va., written to ourselves in com- 
pliance with our request that he would give 
us his candid opinion of Liberia. The letter 
is dated U. S. ship Constitution, off Monro- 
via, October, 1853. " I promised to give 
you my opinion about the colonies on this 
coast. Of course, thus far, I have had but 
little chance for observation, but what I have 
seen has made a very favorable impression. 
The emigrants appear to be well instructed, 
having many comforts, and all appear to be 
contented and happy. Amy person that will 
work can do very well here. I went to the 
Episcopal church yesterday ; a black priest 
officiated, and did very well. As to their 
having slaves, it is all humbug. Those who 
can afford it have servants. I took dinner 
with President Roberts and was much pleas- 
ed with liim and his lady. I have made 
several visits and never received more hospi- 
tality any where. 

I have been told that the people in the 
country are doing better than those in town. 



The English have a line of steamers on the 
coast which are taking away all the trade 
from us. Steam is the only thing on this 
coast." 

Purser Bradford of the Navy, says "he 
was three years on the coast of Africa, and 
was diligent in making inquiries and obser- 
vations, and he saw no emigrants who were 
desirous of returning. The general tone of 
the community was that of content and hap- 
piness — he believed that there was no more 
moral, correct and religious population on 
the face of the globe," &.c. Surely these 
authorities will satisfy any reasonable man. 
But there are opposing authorities. Some 
officers have expressed opinions unfavorable 
to Liberia. These have been expressed in 
private conversation. If we had any written 
statements we would print them, as we wish 
to have the whole truth upon this subject. — 
Upon this point we addressed inquiries to 
Captain Marston, who replied as follows: "I 
am aware that some of our officers have ex- 
pressed opinions unfavorable to Liberia, but 
with these I have always differed. Their 
opinions, I think, were governed by their 
expectations being raised too high ; if they 
had reflected that a little more than thirty 
years ago there were only twenty Americans 
in Liberia, and now it is an independent re- 
public, acknowledged by the great powers of 
Europe, their surprise would have been as it 
was with myself, that so much had been ac- 
complished in so short a time, under such 
unfavorable circumstances. That the emi- 
grants have some difficulties and privations 
to encounter, all will admit; but there are 
many privileges and comforts to counterbal- 
ance these ; and I do not hesitate to give 
my opinion in favor of emigration to Li- 
beria." 

We might multiply these authorities over 
many pages, and we might add to them let- 
ter after letter from the emigrants them- 
selves, expressing gratitude for the past, sat- 
isfaction with the present, and hope for the 
future. But we have already exceeded our 
limits, and must refer those who want more 
light, to the documents themselves, which 
can be had by all who desire them. 

We do not wish to conceal the fact that 



116 



The Virginian History of African Colonization. 



some expeditions to Liberia have been at- 
leuded by much sufferiiig and mortality. 
Such disasters have marked every like enter- 
prise. A comparison of the colonization of 
Liberia with that of Virginia, will be instruc- 
live. The first two expeditions to our own 
shores were perfect failures, both having 
been overwhelmed at sea; the third effected 
ii landing in 1586, and in five years was ex- 
iinct The fourth was successful after a se- 
ries of disasters, the recital of which fills the 
mind with horror. In 1609, says a historian 
Df Virginia, Captain Smith left at Jamestown 
190 persons, with abundant supplies. Soon 
plots thickened around them, Indian ambus- 
:ades were in every hedge, the settlers dared 
lot wander forth in search of food or recrea- 
ion, their provisions either failed entirely or 
ivere rendered unwholesome by decay, dis- 
eases spread rapidly and death began his 
•ace, famine in all its horrors, was among 
hem, they subsisted upon the skins of horses, 
ip^n dogs, vermin and the body of an In- 
1 Of 490 persons, sixty only survived, 

ng upon roots and berries until they were 
eueved by supplies from home. This fact 



in our history, seems to have been forgotten 
by those who are so discouraged by the mor- 
tality attending some companies to Liberia. 
The truth is that forty years had elapsed after 
the settlement of Roanoke, before the colo- 
nies of England on this coast attained the 
stature of Liberia, and centuries passed away 
before civil and religious rights were so well 
understood. There is not a Spanish colony 
at this day, not even an old established coun- 
try of Europe, which is prepared for such a 
constitution as tha which the Liberians have 
voluntarily adopted. Distressing as the mor- 
tality has occasionally been, a comparison 
will show that it has been less than that 
which attended the settlement at Jamestown 
or Plymouth, or California. If similar disas- 
ters had overtaken Liberia, to those which 
have signalized many new settlements in our 
own country, our enterprise would have been 
overwhelmed with the curses of those phil- 
anthropists who have no tears to shed over 
the young, the beautiful and the brave, whose 
bones bleach the prairies of the West, and 
the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, and the 
Pacific Ocean. 



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